Proto-Celtic, or Common Celtic, is the hypothetical ancestral proto-language of all known Celtic languages, and a descendant of Proto-Indo-European. It is not attested in writing but has been partly reconstructed through the comparative method. Proto-Celtic is generally thought to have been spoken between 1300 and 800 BC, after which it began to split into different languages. Proto-Celtic is often associated with the Urnfield culture and particularly with the Hallstatt culture. Celtic languages share common features with Italic languages that are not found in other branches of Indo-European, suggesting the possibility of an earlier Italo-Celtic linguistic unity.
Proto-Celtic is currently being reconstructed through the comparative method by relying on later Celtic languages. Though Continental Celtic presents much substantiation for Proto-Celtic phonology, and some for its morphology, recorded material is too scanty to allow a secure reconstruction of syntax, though some complete sentences are recorded in the Continental Gaulish and Celtiberian. So, the main sources for reconstruction come from Insular Celtic languages with the oldest literature found in Old Irish[1] and Middle Welsh,[2] dating back to authors flourishing in the 6th century AD.
Dating
Proto-Celtic is usually dated to the Late Bronze Age, ca. 1200–900 BC.[3] The fact that it is possible to reconstruct a Proto-Celtic word for 'iron' (traditionally reconstructed as *īsarnom) has long been taken as an indication that the divergence into individual Celtic languages did not start until the Iron Age (8th century BC to 1st century BC); otherwise, descendant languages would have developed their own, unrelated words for their metal. However, Schumacher[4] and Schrijver[5] suggest a date for Proto-Celtic as early as the 13th century BC, the time of the Canegrate culture, in northwest Italy, and the Urnfield culture in Central Europe, implying that the divergence may have already started in the Bronze Age.[why?]
Sound changes from Proto-Indo-European
The phonological changes from Proto-Indo-European (PIE) to Proto-Celtic (PC) may be summarized as follows.[6] The changes are roughly in chronological order, with changes that operate on the outcome of earlier ones appearing later in the list.
Late PIE
These changes are shared by several other Indo-European branches.
Epenthetic *a is inserted after a syllabic sonorant if a laryngeal and another sonorant follow (R̥HR > RaHR)
Laryngeals are lost:
before a following vowel (HV > V)
following a vowel in syllables before the accent (VHC´ > VC´)
following a vowel before a consonant, or word finally, resulting in compensatory lengthening, thus (VHC > V̄C, VH# > V̄#)
between plosives in non-initial syllables (CHC > CC)
Two adjacent dentals become two adjacent sibilants (TT > TsT > ss)
Italo-Celtic
The following sound changes are shared with the Italic languages in particular, and are cited in support of the Italo-Celtic hypothesis.[7]
Dybo's rule: long close vowels are shortened (or a laryngeal is lost) before resonant + stressed vowel. Note that something like Dybo's rule seems to have also operated in Germanic (Old English wer < *wiHró-).[8]
īR´ / ? *iHR´ > iR´
ūR´ / ? *uHR´ > uR´
Possibly, post-consonantal laryngeals are lost when before pre-tonic close vowels:
CHiC´ > CiC´
CHuC´ > CuC´
Development of initial stress, following the previous two changes. But note that this seems to have been an areal feature, shared, for example with the Indo-European Germanic languages and the non-Indo-European Etruscan language.[9]
Possibly, vocalization of laryngeals to *ī between a *CR cluster and consonantal *j (CRHjV > CRījV)
Syllabic laryngeals become *a (CHC > CaC)
Syllabic resonants before a voiced unaspirated stop become *Ra (R̩D > RaD)
*m is assimilated or lost before a glide:
mj > nj
mw > w
*p assimilates to *kʷ when another *kʷ follows later in the word (p...kʷ > kʷ...kʷ). But Matasovic points out that: A) this change may have occurred late in Celtic; B) it seems not to have operated on some words in Irish; and C) a very similar assimilation (though in reverse) also occurred in Germanic.[10]
One change shows non-exact parallels in Italic: vocalization of syllabic resonants next to laryngeals depending on the environment. Similar developments appear in Italic, but for the syllabic nasals *m̩, *n̩, the result is Proto-Italic *əm, *ən (> Latin em ~ im, en ~ in).
Word-initially, HR̩C > aRC
Before voiceless stops, CR̩HT > CRaT
CR̩HV > CaRHV
CR̩HC > CRāC
Early PC
Sequences of velar and *w merge into the labiovelars (it is uncertain if this preceded or followed the next change; that is, whether gw > b or gw > gʷ, but Schumacher 2004 argues on p. 372 that this change came first; moreover, it is also found in Proto-Italic, and thus arguably belongs to the previous section):
kw > kʷ
gw > gʷ
gʰw > gʷʰ
*gʷ merges into *b.
Aspirated stops lose their aspiration and merge with the voiced stops (except that this counterfeeds the previous change, so *gʷʰ > *gʷ doesn't result in a merger; that is, the change *gʷʰ > *gʷ must crucially happen after the sound change gʷ > b has been completed):[11]
bʰ > b
dʰ > d
gʰ > g
gʷʰ > gʷ
*e before a resonant and *a (but not *ā) becomes *a as well (eRa > aRa): *ǵʰelH-ro > *gelaro > *galaro / *gérH-no > *gerano > *garano (Joseph's rule).
Epenthetic *i is inserted after syllabic liquids when followed by a plosive:
l̩T > liT
r̩T > riT
Epenthetic *a is inserted before the remaining syllabic resonants:
m̩ > am
n̩ > an
l̩ > al
r̩ > ar
All remaining nonsyllabic laryngeals are lost.
ē > ī
ō > ū in final syllables
Long vowels are shortened before a syllable-final resonant (V:RC > VRC); this also shortens long diphthongs. (Osthoff's law)
Late PC
Plosives become *x before a different plosive or *s (C₁C₂ > xC₂, Cs > xs)
Eska has recently proposed that PC stops allophonically manifest similarly to those in English. Voiceless stop phonemes /t k/ were aspirated word-initially except when preceded by /s/, hence aspirate allophones [tʰ kʰ]. And unaspirated voiced stops /b d ɡ/ were devoiced to [p t k] word-initially.[14][15]
This allophony may be reconstructed to PC from the following evidence:[14][15]
Modern Celtic languages like Welsh, Breton, and all modern Goidelic languages have such plosive aspiration and voice allophony already attested. (But there is no trace of this in Gaulish.)
Several old Celtic languages (such as Old Irish, Old Welsh, and Lepontic) used letters for voiceless stop phonemes to write both voiceless stop phonemes and their voiced counterparts, especially non-word-initially. (But in the case of Lepontic, this is because the alphabet was derived from Etruscan, which has no voice contrasts in plosives.)
The Celtiberian Luzaga's Bronze has the curious spelling of an accusative determiner sdam, where the d is clearly meant to spell [t]. This implies that Celtiberian /d/ had a voiceless allophone [t].
Evolution of plosives
Proto-Indo-European (PIE) voiced aspirate stops *bʰ, *dʰ, *gʰ/ǵʰ, merge with *b, *d, *g/ǵ in PC. The voiced aspirate labiovelar *gʷʰ did not merge with *gʷ, though: plain *gʷ became PC *b, while aspirated *gʷʰ became *gʷ. Thus, PIE *gʷen- 'woman' became Old Irish and Old Welsh ben, but PIE *gʷʰn̥- 'to kill, wound' became Old Irish gonaid and Welsh gwanu.
PIE *p is lost in PC, apparently going through the stages *ɸ (possibly a stage *[pʰ])[14] and *h (perhaps seen in the name Hercynia if this is of Celtic origin) before being completely lost word-initially and between vowels. Next to consonants, PC *ɸ underwent different changes: the clusters *ɸs and *ɸt became *xs and *xt respectively already in PC. PIE *sp- became Old Irish s (f- when lenited, exactly as for PIE *sw-) and Brythonic f; while Schrijver 1995, p. 348 argues there was an intermediate stage *sɸ- (in which *ɸ remained an independent phoneme until after Proto-Insular Celtic had diverged into Goidelic and Brythonic), McCone 1996, pp. 44–45 finds it more economical to believe that *sp- remained unchanged in PC, that is, the change *p to *ɸ did not happen when *s preceded. (Similarly, Grimm's law did not apply to *p, t, k after *s in Germanic, and the same exception occurred again in the High German consonant shift.)
Proto-Celtic
Old Irish
Welsh
*laɸs- > *laxs- 'shine'
las-aid
llach-ar
*seɸtam > *sextam 'seven'
secht
saith
*sɸeret- or *speret- 'heel'
seir
ffêr
In Gaulish and the Brittonic languages, the Proto-Indo-European *kʷ phoneme becomes a new *p sound. Thus, Gaulish petuar[ios], Welshpedwar "four", but Old Irishcethair and Latinquattuor. Insofar as this new /p/ fills the gap in the phoneme inventory which was left by the disappearance of the equivalent stop in PIE, we may think of this as a chain shift.
The terms P-Celtic and Q-Celtic are useful for grouping Celtic languages based on the way they handle this one phoneme. But a simple division into P- / Q-Celtic may be untenable, as it does not do justice to the evidence of the ancient Continental Celtic languages. The many unusual shared innovations among the Insular Celtic languages are often also presented as evidence against a P- vs Q-Celtic division, but they may instead reflect a common substratum influence from the pre-Celtic languages of Britain and Ireland,[1], or simply continuing contact between the insular languages; in either case they would be irrelevant to the genetic classification of Celtic languages.
Q-Celtic languages may also have /p/ in loan words, though in early borrowings from Welsh into Primitive Irish, /kʷ/ was used by sound substitution due to a lack of a /p/ phoneme at the time:
Latin Patricius "Saint Patrick"' > Welsh > Primitive Irish Qatricias > Old Irish Cothrige, later Pádraig;
Latin presbyter "priest" > early form of word seen in Old Welshpremter primter > Primitive Irish qrimitir > Old Irish cruimther.
Gaelic póg "kiss" was a later borrowing (from the second word of the Latin phrase osculum pacis "kiss of peace") at a stage where p was borrowed directly as p, without substituting c.
Vowels
The PC vowel system is highly comparable to that reconstructed for PIE by Antoine Meillet. The following monophthongs are reconstructed:
The following diphthongs have also been reconstructed:
Type
With -i
With -u
With a-
ai
au
With o-
oi
ou
Morphology
Nouns
The morphological (structure) of nouns and adjectives demonstrates no arresting alterations from the parent language. Proto-Celtic is believed to have had nouns in three genders, three numbers and five to eight cases. The genders were masculine, feminine and neuter; the numbers were singular, plural and dual. The number of cases is a subject of contention:[16] while Old Irish may have only five, the evidence from Continental Celtic is considered[by whom?] rather unambiguous despite appeals to archaic retentions or morphological leveling. These cases were nominative, vocative, accusative, dative, genitive, ablative, locative and instrumental.
Nouns fall into nine or so declensions, depending on stem. There are *o-stems, *ā-stems, *i-stems, *u-stems, dental stems, velar stems, nasal stems, *r-stems and *s-stems.
However, Celtiberian shows -o- stem genitives ending in -o rather than -ī: aualo "[son] of Avalos".[17] Also note that the genitive singular does not match Proto-Indo-European's -osyo, which would have yielded -osjo.
dūnom 'stronghold' (neuter)
Case
Singular
Dual
Plural
Nominative
*dūnom
*dūnou
*dūnā
Vocative
*dūnom
*dūnou
*dūnā
Accusative
*dūnom
*dūnou
*dūnā
Genitive
*dūnī
*dūnūs
*dūnom
Dative
*dūnūi
*dūnobom
*dūnobos
Ablative
*dūnū
*dūnobim
*dūnobis
Instrumental
*dūnū
*dūnobim
*dūnūs
Locative
*dūnei
*dūnou
*dūnobis
As in the masculine paradigm, the genitive singular does not match Proto-Indo-European's -osyo, which would have yielded -osjo.
Before the *-s of the nominative singular, a velar consonant was fricated to *-x : *rīg- "king" > *rīxs. Likewise, final *-ddevoiced to *-t-: *druwid- "druid" > *druwits.[18]
r-stems are rare and principally confined to names of relatives. Typically they end in *-ter-, which becomes *-tīr in the nominative and *-tr- in all other cases aside from the accusative: *ɸater- 'father' > *ɸatīr, *ɸatros.
E.g. *ɸatīr 'father' (masculine)
Case
Singular
Dual
Plural
Nominative
*ɸatīr
*ɸatere
*ɸateres
Vocative
*ɸatīr
*ɸatere
*ɸateres
Accusative
*ɸateram
*ɸatere
*ɸaterās
Genitive
*ɸatros
*ɸatrou
*ɸatrom
Dative
*ɸatrei
*ɸatrebom
*ɸatrebos
Ablative
*ɸatrī
*ɸatrebim
*ɸatrebis
Instrumental
*ɸatre
*ɸatrebim
*ɸatrebis
Locative
*ɸatri
*ɸatrebim
*ɸatrebis
E.g. *mātīr 'mother' (feminine)
Case
Singular
Dual
Plural
Nominative
*mātīr
*mātere
*māteres
Vocative
*mātīr
*mātere
*māteres
Accusative
*māteram
*mātere
*māterās
Genitive
*mātros
*mātrou
*mātrom
Dative
*mātrei
*mātrebom
*mātrebos
Ablative
*mātrī
*mātrebim
*mātrebis
Instrumental
*mātre
*mātrebim
*mātrebis
Locative
*mātri
*mātrebim
*mātrebis
Pronouns
The following personal pronouns in Celtic can be reconstructed as follows:[19]: 220–221 [20]: 281
^Remade as *mu in the prehistory of Irish by analogy to *tu.
^Remade as *mowe in the prehistory of Irish by analogy to *towe.
The following third-person pronouns in Proto-Celtic may also be reconstructed.[21]: 62 [19]: 220
Case
Singular
Plural
Masculine
Feminine
Neuter
Nominative
*es, *ēs
*sī
*ed
*eyes
Accusative
*em
*seyam? *sīm?
*sūs
Genitive
*esyo
*esyās
*esyo
*ēsom? *esom?
Dative Instrumental Locative
*e(s)yōi
*esyāi
*e(s)yōi
*ēbis
Forms of the masculine singular relative pronoun *yo- can be found in the first Botorrita plaque: The form io-s in line 10 is the nominative singular masculine of the relative pronoun from Proto-Indo-European *yo- (Sanskrit ya-, Greek hos), which shows up in Old Irish only as the aspiration for leniting relative verb forms. Line 7 has the accusative singular io-m and the dative singular io-mui of the same root.[22]
Adjectives
Adjectives in Proto-Celtic had positive, comparative, superlative and equative degrees of comparison.[23]
Positive-degree inflection classes
Four inflection classes for positive-degree adjectives are known. Most adjectives belonged to the o-ā class, in which the adjectives inflected like masculine o-stems, neuter o-stems and feminine ā-stems when agreeing with nouns of their respective genders. A much smaller minority of adjectives were i- and u-stems.[23]
Consonant-stem adjectives also existed but were vanishingly rare, with only relics in Old Irish like té "hot" < *teɸents.
Comparative degree
The comparative degree was formed on most adjectives by attaching *-yūs to the adjective stem. For instance, *senos "old" would have a comparative *senyūs "older". However, some Caland system adjectives instead had a comparative ending in *-is, which was then extended to *-ais. For example, *ɸlitanos "wide" had a comparative *ɸletais.[24]
Superlative degree
The superlative was formed by simply attaching *-isamos to the adjective stem. In some adjectives where the stem ends in *s, the suffix is truncated to *-(s)amos by haplology.[24] Thus, *senos "old" would have a superlative *senisamos "oldest" but *trexsnos (stem *trexs-) would have a superlative *trexsamos.
Verbs
From comparison between early Old Irish and Gaulish forms it seems that Continental and Insular Celtic verbs developed differently and so the study of Irish and Welsh may have unduly weighted past opinion of Proto-Celtic verb morphology.[citation needed] It can be inferred from Gaulish and Celtiberian as well as Insular Celtic that the Proto-Celtic verb had at least three moods:
indicative — seen in e.g. 1st sg. Gaulish delgu "I hold", Old Irish tongu "I swear"
imperative — seen in e.g. 3rd sg. Celtiberian usabituz, Gaulish appisetu
subjunctive — seen in e.g. 3rd sg. Gaulish buetid "may he be", Celtiberian asekati
and four tenses:
present — seen in e.g. Gaulish uediíu-mi "I pray", Celtiberian zizonti "they sow"
preterite — seen in e.g. 3rd sg. Gaulish sioxti, Lepontic KariTe
imperfect — perhaps in Celtiberian kombalkez, atibion
future — seen in e.g. 3rd sg. Gaulish bissiet, Old Irish bieid "he shall be"
A probable optative mood also features in Gaulish (tixsintor) and an infinitive (with a characteristic ending -unei) in Celtiberian.[25][26]
Proto-Celtic possessed a diverse set of ways to form present stems. They can be roughly be divided into two broad categories of athematic and thematic.
Thematic verbs feature a connecting vowel between the present stem and the basic primary endings. This vowel is -o- in the first-person and third-person plural and -e- in the third-person singular and second-person forms. The first-person singular of these verbs end in *-ū.
Athematic verbs feature no such connecting vowel, and their 1st-person singular forms end in *-mi instead of *-ū.
These two inflectional categories can themselves be subdivided based on the means of derivation from a verb root via a combination of root ablaut grades and suffixes. These derivational classes include:[27]: 36–47
Derivational classes of Proto-Celtic verbs
Inflectional class
Root ablaut
Affix
Class
KPV designation
Thematic
e-grade
(none)
Simple thematic
A-1
*-ye-
e-grade *-ye-
A-5
*-de-
e-grade *-de-
A-6
o-grade
*-ī- *-eyo-
*-eye- causative/iterative
(none)
zero grade
(none)
Thematized root athematic
A-2
tudáti-type thematic
*-ske-
*-ske- inchoative
A-3
*-ye-
zero-grade *-ye-
A-4
Nasal infix
Aniṭ-root nasal-infix
A-8
i-reduplication
i-reduplicated present
A-15
(varied)
*-āye-
Denominative
(none)
Athematic
e-grade
(none)
CeRH-root present
A-13
zero grade
*-na- (when levelled)
seṭ-root nasal-infix
A-8
*-nu-
*-new- present
A-10
*-ī-
essive
A-7
(varied)
*-ā-
factitive
(none)
Nasal-infix presents
In Proto-Celtic, the Indo-European nasal infix presents split into two categories: ones originally derived from laryngeal-final roots (i.e. seṭ roots in Sanskrit), and ones that were not (i.e. from aniṭ roots). In seṭ verbs, the nasal appears at the end of the present stem, while in aniṭ-derived verbs the nasal was followed by a root-final stop (generally -g- in Old Irish).
To aniṭ roots
Aniṭ nasal infix verbs conjugated exactly like basic thematic verbs in the present tense.
However, the origin of the invariant root vowel in -o- in *CewC- roots in Old Irish is unclear. Usually, it is held that the consonantism in these verbs was generalized in favour of the plural stem *CunC- in Old Irish. One would expect alternation between o in the 1st- and 3rd- person plural and -u- elsewhere in the present; but for both contexts Old Irish only attests -o-.
The following verbs can be reconstructed in this class:
On the other hand, the seṭ presents originally had a long vowel after the nasal in the singular and -a- after the nasal in the plural, but the attested Celtic languages levelled this alternation away. Gaulish shows traces of the singular long-vowel vocalism while Old Irish generalized the plural -a- to the singular.[28]
The seṭ nasal-infix presents were further subdivided into subcategories based on the root-final laryngeal. Traditionally two subclasses have long been accepted, the *h₁ subclass (cited with a -ni- suffix) and *h₂ (cited with a -na- suffix). *h₃ nasal-infixed verbs were often leveled to act like *h₂ verbs, being also cited with a -na- suffix; the only original difference between the two would have been the 3rd-person plural ending in *-nonti instead of *-nanti.
The nasal-infix seṭ verbs in Proto-Celtic underwent multiple levelings. First, the suffixal vowel in the plural forms was harmonized so that they would all be the short counterpart to the vowel in the singular forms. Then all the long vowels in the singular were shortened to make the suffix vowel identical in quality and length across all person-number combinations.[29]: 11–23
Evolution of Proto-Celtic ablaut in the nasal infix for seṭ roots
There were two or three major preterite formations in Proto-Celtic, plus another moribund type.
The s-preterite
The reduplicated suffixless preterite (originating from the PIE reduplicated stative)
The t-preterite
The root aorist
The s-, t-, and root aorist preterites take Indo-European secondary endings, while the reduplicated suffix preterite took stative endings. These endings are:[27]: 62–67
The Old Irish t-preterite was traditionally assumed to be a divergent evolution from the s-preterite, but that derivation was challenged by Jay Jasanoff, who alleges that they were instead imperfects of Narten presents. Either derivation requires Narten ablaut anyway, leading to a stem vowel i in the singular and e in the plural. The stem vowel in the t-preterite was leveled to *e if the next consonant was either velar or *m, and *i in front of *r or *l.[30]
Suffixless preterites
Many suffixless preterite formations featured reduplication. The nature of the reduplication depends on the structure of the root.[27]: 68–79
Proto-Celtic suffixless preterites
Root
Meaning
Shape
Preterite stem
Notes
*keng-
"to step"
Other root types
*ke-kong-
Classic Indo-European reduplication, where the root is put in the o-grade and the prefixed reduplicant is formed with the first consonant followed by *e.
*nigʷ-
"to wash"
*C(R)eiT-
*ni-noig-
In Proto-Celtic, roots with a semivowel (PIE *-y- or *-w-) before a non-laryngeal consonant have the reduplicant formed not with the first consonant of the root followed by *e, but instead the first consonant of the root followed by the semivowel. The root itself remains in the o-grade.
*duk-
"to lead, carry"
*C(R)euT-
*du-douk-
*gʷed-
"to pray"
*CeT-
*gʷād-
Roots ending in only a single stop as their coda generally merely change the stem vowel to *ā to form their preterite, without apparent reduplication. It originally spread from *ād- (from *h₁e-h₁od-), the preterite stem for *ed- "to eat".
*kerd-
"to throw, put"
*CeRT-
*kard-
A few roots in *CeRT- also had the *CeT- preterite formation applied to them but the long *ā was shortened due to Osthoff's law.
*dā-
"to give"
*C(C)eH-
*de-dū (singular) *ded(a)- (plural)
Laryngeal-final roots produced long vowels in the root syllable in the singular, but not in the plural (where the root was in the zero-grade instead). Usually the singular stem was generalized in Celtic, but in these cases the plural stem was generalized.
*kʷri-
"to buy"
*C(R)eiH-
*kʷi-kʷr-
The treatment for *CeH- roots was also extended to *C(R)eiH- roots. Due to the roots' semivowel, the reduplicant also contains the semivowel.
Future formations
One major formation of the future in Celtic, the s-future. It is a descendant of the Proto-Indo-European (h₁)se-desiderative, with i-reduplication in many verbs. The Old Irish a- and s-future come from here.[29]
Another future formation, attested only in Gaulish, is the -sye-desiderative.
Subjunctive formations
Most verbs took one subjunctive suffix in Proto-Celtic, -(a)s-, followed by the thematic primary endings. It was a descendant of the subjunctive of an Indo-European sigmatic thematic formation *-seti. The -ase- variant originated in roots that ended in a laryngeal in Proto-Indo-European; when the *-se- suffix was attached right after a laryngeal, the laryngeal regularly vocalized into *-a-. It would then analogically spread to other Celtic strong verb roots ending in sonorants in addition to the weak verbs, even if the root did not originally end in a laryngeal.[29]
There were also two, possibly three verbs that did not use -(a)se-, instead straight-out taking thematised primary endings. They are: *bwiyeti "to be, exist" (subjunctive *bweti), *klinutor "to hear" (subjunctive *klowetor), and possibly *ɸalnati “to approach, drive” (subjunctive *ɸeleti).[31]
Primary subjunctive formations in Proto-Celtic generally use the e-grade of the verb root, even if the present stem uses the zero-grade.
Imperative formation
Imperative endings in Proto-Celtic were as follows:[19]: 147–148 [23]
The second-person singular imperative was generally endingless in the active; no ending was generally added to athematic verbs. On thematic -e/o- verbs, the imperative ended in thematic vowel *-e. However, there is also another second-person singular active imperative ending, -si, which was attached to the verb root athematically even with thematic strong verbs.[32]
The thematic deponent second-person singular imperative ending was *-eso. The -the in Old Irish is secondary.[33][19]: 140
Third-person imperative
The third-person imperative endings in Insular Celtic, Gaulish and Celtiberian have completely separate origins from each other. The Insular Celtic endings are derived from *-tou, *-ntou, Gaulish endings from *-tu, *-ntu, and the Celtiberian third-person imperative singular ending stems from *-tūd.[23]
The copula *esti was irregular. It had both athematic and thematic conjugations in the present tense. Schrijver supposes that its athematic present was used clause-initially and the thematic conjugation was used when that was not the case.[37]
The vast majority of reliably reconstructible lexical items in Proto-Celtic have good Indo-European etymologies, unlike what is found in, for example, the Greek language—at least 90% according to Matasovic.[38] These include most of the items on the Swadesh list of basic vocabulary. But a few words that do not have Indo-European cognates, so may be borrowings from substrate or adstrate Pre-Indo-European languages, are also from basic vocabulary, including *bodyo- ‘yellow’ (though this has possible cognates in Italic), *kani "good," and *klukka "stone."[39] It is notable that fully 32 items have been reconstructed for Proto-Celtic with the meaning "fight."[40]
Examples of morphology derivation from PIE
Two examples of verbs
(The following examples lack the dual plural and are conjugated in the present tense)
"To bear/carry"
Pronoun
PIE
PC
1st Sg.
*bʰéroh₂
*berū
2nd Sg.
*bʰéresi
*beresi
3rd Sg.
*bʰéreti
*bereti
1st Pl.
*bʰéromos
*beromosi
2nd Pl.
*bʰérete
*beretesi
3rd Pl.
*bʰéronti
*beronti
"To be" (athematic version)
Pronoun
PIE
PC
1st Sg.
*h₁ésmi
*esmi
2nd Sg.
*h₁ési
*esi
3rd Sg.
*h₁ésti
*esti
1st Pl.
*h₁smós
*esmosi
2nd Pl.
*h₁sté
*estes
3rd Pl.
*h₁sénti
*senti
Examples of noun declension
(The following examples lack the dual number)
Masculine noun
"Bear"
Case
Singular
Plural
PIE
PC
PIE
PC
Nom.
*h₂ŕ̥tḱos
*artos
*h₂ŕ̥tḱoes
*artoi
Voc.
*h₂ŕ̥tḱe
*arte
*h₂ŕ̥tḱoes
*artūs
Acc.
*h₂ŕ̥tḱom
*artom
*h₂ŕ̥tḱoms
*artoms
Gen.
*h₂ŕ̥tḱosyo
*artī
*h₂ŕ̥tḱoHom
*artom
Dat.
*h₂ŕ̥tḱoey
*artūi
*h₂ŕ̥tḱomos
*artobos
Loc.
*h₂ŕ̥tḱey
*artei
*h₂ŕ̥tḱoysu
?
Inst.
*h₂ŕ̥tḱoh₁
*artū
*h₂ŕ̥tḱōys
*artūis
Feminine noun
"Open land"
Case
Singular
Plural
PIE
PC
PIE
PC
Nom.
*ln̥dʰéh₂
*landā
*ln̥dʰéh₂es
*landās
Voc.
*ln̥dʰéh₂
*landā
*ln̥dʰéh₂es
*landās
Acc.
*ln̥dʰā́m
*landam
*ln̥dʰéh₂m̥s
*landāms
Gen.
*ln̥dʰéh₂s
*landās
*ln̥dʰéh₂oHom
*landom
Dat.
*ln̥dʰéh₂ey
*landāi
*ln̥dʰéh₂mos
*landābos
Loc.
*ln̥dʰéh₂i
*landai
*ln̥dʰéh₂su
?
Inst.
*ln̥dʰéh₂h₁
?
*ln̥dʰéh₂mis
*landābis
Neuter noun
"Yoke"
Case
Singular
Plural
PIE
PC
PIE
PC
Nom.
*yugóm
*yugom
*yugéh₂
*yugā
Voc.
*yugóm
*yugom
*yugéh₂
*yugā
Acc.
*yugóm
*yugom
*yugéh₂
*yugā
Gen.
*yugósyo
*yugī
*yugóHom
*yugom
Dat.
*yugóey
*yugūi
*yugómos
*yugobos
Loc.
*yugéy
*yugei
*yugóysu
?
Inst.
*yugóh₁
*yugū
*yugṓys
*yugūis
An example of adjectival declension
(The following example lacks the dual number)
"High (Singular)"
Case
Masculine
Feminine
Neuter
PIE
PC
PIE
PC
PIE
PC
Nom.
*h₂ḱrós
*akros
*h₂ḱréh₂
*akrā
*h₂ḱróm
*akrom
Voc.
*h₂ḱré
*akre
*h₂ḱréh₂
*akrā
*h₂ḱróm
*akrom
Acc.
*h₂ḱróm
*akrom
*h₂ḱrā́m
*akram
*h₂ḱróm
*akrom
Gen.
*h₂ḱrósyo
*akrī
*h₂ḱréh₂s
*akrās
*h₂ḱrósyo
*akrī
Dat.
*h₂ḱróey
*akrūi
*h₂ḱréh₂ey
*akrai
*h₂ḱróey
*akrūi
Inst.
*h₂ḱróh₁
*akrū
*h₂ḱréh₂h₁
?
*h₂ḱróh₁
*akrū
"High (Plural)"
Case
Masculine
Feminine
Neuter
PIE
PC
PIE
PC
PIE
PC
Nom.
*h₂ḱróes
*akroi
*h₂ḱréh₂es
*akrās
*h₂ḱréh₂
*akrā
Voc.
*h₂ḱróes
*akroi
*h₂ḱréh₂es
*akrās
*h₂ḱréh₂
*akrā
Acc.
*h₂ḱróms
*akroms
*h₂ḱréh₂m̥s
*akrams
*h₂ḱréh₂
*akrā
Gen.
*h₂ḱróHom
*akrom
*h₂ḱréh₂oHom
*akrom
*h₂ḱróHom
*akrom
Dat.
*h₂ḱrómos
*akrobos
*h₂ḱréh₂mos
*akrābos
*h₂ḱrómos
*akrobis
Inst.
*h₂ḱrṓys
*akrobis
*h₂ḱréh₂mis
*akrābis
*h₂ḱrṓys
*akrobis
Derivation of personal pronouns (nominative case) from PIE
^Schumacher, Stefan (2004). Die keltischen Primärverben. Ein vergleichendes, etymologisches und morphologisches Lexikon (in German). Innsbruck, Austria: Institut für Sprachen und Literaturen der Universität Innsbruck. p. 85. ISBN3-85124-692-6.
^Matasovic, R. (2009) Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Celtic. Brill. p.7
^Salmon, Joseph (1992) Accentual Change and Language Contact Stanford UP
^Matasovic, R. (2009) Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Celtic. Brill. pp.11–12
^Cólera, Carlos Jordán (2007) "Celtiberian," e-Keltoi: Journal of Interdisciplinary Celtic Studies: Vol. 6, Article 17. p.759. Available at: https://dc.uwm.edu/ekeltoi/vol6/iss1/17 accessed June 21, 2023
^Welsh adfer 'to restore' < *ate-ber-, cymeryd < obsolete cymer < M.W. cymeraf < *kom-ber- (with -yd taken from the verbal noun cymryd < *kom-britu).
^However, according to Hackstein (2002) *CH.CC > Ø in unstressed medial syllables. Thus, H can disappear in weak cases while being retained in strong cases, e.g. IE nom.sg. *dʰugh₂tḗr vs. gen.sg. *dʰugtr-os 'daughter' > early PC *dugater- ~ dugtr-. This then led to a paradigmatic split, resulting in Celtiberian gen.sg. tuateros, nom.pl. tuateres vs. Gaulish duxtir (< *dugtīr). (Zair 2012: 161, 163).
^ abcEska, Joseph F. (March 12, 2018). "Laryngeal Realism and the Prehistory of Celtic". Transactions of the Philological Society. 116 (3). Wiley: 320–331. doi:10.1111/1467-968x.12122. ISSN0079-1636.
^Untermann, J. (1967). "Die Endung des Genitiv singularis der o-Stämme im Keltiberischen." In W. Meid (ed.), Beiträge zur Indogermanistik und Keltologie, Julius Pokorny zum 80. Geburtstag gewidmet, pp. 281–288. Innsbruck: Sprachwissenschaftliches Institut der Universität Innsbruck.
^Stokes, Whitley (November 1887). "Celtic Declension". Transactions of the Philological Society. 20 (1): 97–201.
^ abcdeMcCone, Kim (2006). The Origins and Development of the Insular Celtic Verbal Complex. Maynooth studies in Celtic linguistics. Department of Old Irish, National University of Ireland. ISBN978-0-901519-46-7.
^Thurneysen, Rudolf (1940). A Grammar of Old Irish. Translated by Binchy, D. A; Bergin, Osborn. Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies. ISBN1-85500-161-6.
^Schrijver, Peter (1997). Studies in the History of Celtic Pronouns and Particles. Maynooth studies in Celtic linguistics. Department of Old Irish, National University of Ireland. ISBN978-0-901519-59-7.
^Matasovic, R. Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Celtic. Leiden: Brill. 2006. p. 436
^ abcdStüber, Karin. "The morphology of Celtic". In Jared Klein; Brian Joseph; Matthias Fritz (eds.). Handbook of Comparative and Historical Indo-European Linguistics. Vol. 2. De Gruyter Mouton. pp. 1203–1217.
^ abJasanoff, Jay (1991). "The origin of the Celtic comparative type OIr. tressa, MW trech 'stronger'". Die Sprache. 34: 171–189.
^Stefan Schumacher, Die keltischen Primärverben: Ein vergleichendes, etymologisches und morphologisches Lexikon (Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachen und Literaturen der Universität, 2004).
^Pierre-Yves Lambert, La langue gauloise: Description linguistique, commentaire d'inscriptions choisies (Paris: Errance, revised ed. 2003).
^ abcSchumacher, Stefan; Schulze-Thulin, Britta; aan de Wiel, Caroline (2004). Die keltischen Primärverben. Ein vergleichendes, etymologisches und morphologisches Lexikon (in German). Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachen und Kulturen der Universität Innsbruck. ISBN3-85124-692-6.
^Lambert, Pierre-Yves; Stifter, David (2012). "Le plomb gaulois de Rezé". Études Celtiques (in French and English). 38 (1): 139–164. doi:10.3406/ecelt.2012.2351. ISSN0373-1928.
^ abcMcCone, Kim (1991). The Indo-European Origins of the Old Irish Nasal Presents, Subjunctives and Futures. Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft. IBS-Vertrieb. ISBN978-3-85124-617-9.
^Jasanoff, Jay (2012). "Long-vowel preterites in Indo-European". In Melchert, Craig (ed.). The Indo-European Verb. Wiesbaden: Reichert Verlag. pp. 127–135.
^Schrijver, Peter (December 6, 2019). "Italo-Celtic and the Inflection of *es- 'be'". In Serangeli, Matilde; Olander, Thomas (eds.). Dispersals and Diversification. Brill. pp. 209–235. doi:10.1163/9789004416192_012. ISBN9789004414501. S2CID213806505.
^Matasovic, R. (2009)Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Celtic Leiden: Brill. p. 443
^Matasovic, R. (2009)Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Celtic Leiden: Brill. p. 443-444
Cowgill, Warren (1975). "The origins of the Insular Celtic conjunct and absolute verbal endings". In H. Rix (ed.). Flexion und Wortbildung: Akten der V. Fachtagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, Regensburg, 9.–14. September 1973. Wiesbaden: Reichert. pp. 40–70.
Evans, D. Simon (1964). A Grammar of Middle Welsh. Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies.
Schrijver, Peter (2015). "Pruners and trainers of the Celtic family tree: The rise and development of Celtic in light of language contact". Proceedings of the XIV International Congress of Celtic Studies, Maynooth 2011. Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies. pp. 191–219.
