Kujiki[7] a book that used to be part of the Kiki, generally seen as a forgery based on the Nihon Shoki, the Kojiki and the Kogo Shūi.[8] No longer seen as scripture
The Kojiki was written first in 711. It is the oldest surviving Japanese book.[11][12] It is believed that the compilation of various genealogical and anecdotal histories of the imperial (Yamato) court and prominent clans began during the reigns of Emperors Keitai and Kinmei in the 6th century, with the first concerted effort at historical compilation of which we have record being the one made in 620 under the auspices of Prince Shotoku and Soga no Umako. According to the Nihon Shoki, the documents compiled under their initiative were the Tennōki (天皇記, also Sumera-mikoto no fumi) or the "Record of the Emperors", the Kokki (国記, also Kunitsufumi) or the "National Record", and other "fundamental records" (本記, hongi or mototsufumi) pertaining to influential clans and free subjects. Out of these texts, only the Kokki survived the burning of Soga no Emishi's estate (where these documents were kept) during the Isshi incident of 645, and was itself apparently lost soon after.[13]
The Kojiki's preface indicates that leading families also kept their own historical and genealogical records; indeed, one of the reasons it gives for the compilation of the Kojiki is the correction of errors that had supposedly crept into these documents. According to the preface, Emperor Tenmu (reigned 673–686) ordered the review and emendation of clan documents and commissioned a certain court attendant (toneri) of exceptional memory named Hieda no Are to memorize records and oral traditions concerning the imperial lineage. Beyond this memorization, nothing occurred until the reign of Empress Genmei (reigned 707–715), who on the 18th of the 9th month of 711 (Wadō 4) ordered the courtier Ō no Yasumaro to record what had been learned by Hieda no Are. He finished and presented his work to Empress Genmei on the 28th of the 1st month of 712 (Wadō 5).[11][13]
The Kojiki is a collation of different traditions woven into a single "official" mythology, made in an attempt to justify the rule of the imperial Yamato polity and at the same time to subsume different interest groups under its wing by giving them a place and an interest in the national genealogy-mythology. Apart from furthering the imperial agenda, an increased interest in the nation's origins in reaction to the influx of foreign culture and the need for an authoritative genealogical account by which to consider the claims of noble families and to reorganize them into a new system of ranks and titles are also possible factors for its compilation.[14]
The Kojiki's narrative establishes the Yamato line's right to rule via myth and legend, portraying it as the progeny of heavenly deities and the rightful heir to the land of Japan. A good part of the latter portion of the text is spent recounting various genealogies which served not only to give the imperial family an air of antiquity (which may not necessarily reflect historical reality), but also served to tie, whether true or not, many existing clans' genealogies to their own. Regardless of the work's original intent, it finalized and possibly even formulated the framework by which Japanese history was examined in terms of the reign of emperors.[11][12][14]
The Kojiki and Nihongi are believed to have been derived from earlier written sources.[15]: 28 Such sources were not clear, but a structure of the Kojiki can be deduced as such.[16]: 28–29
After fighting Susanoo-no-Mikoto, Amaterasu hid in a cave. The world became dark. Gods performed a ceremony to bring her out. Susanoo-no-Mikoto and Okuninushi got powerful treasures. They used them to build lands.[16]: 28–29
The descendants of Jimmu ruled over Japan and expanded their rule. The narrative transitioned to recorded history.[16]: 28–29
The Kojiki frequently makes brief mentions of figures who are never mentioned again, It is interpreted as a compression of a much larger mythology dedicated to the overarching purpose of legitimizing Imperial rule.[16]: 29
This contrasts with the Nihon Shoki which differs in three core ways
Follows Chinese dynastic histories in its structure with consistent dates.[16]: 29
Has multiple versions of each myth with a main version first, followed by subsequent quoted versions.[16]: 29
Has a lower presence of Solar imagery, and does not mention Amaterasu as an ancestress of the imperial lineage.[16]: 30
The Nihon Shoki came second in 720[17] In with the Kojiki, the Nihon Shoki is the first of six histories commissioned by the imperial court, which was modeled on Chinese dynastic histories and was intended to be a national chronicle that could be shown with pride to foreign envoys, the Kojiki is inward looking, concerned mainly with the ruling family and prominent clans, and is apparently intended for internal consumption. Whereas the Nihon Shoki uses a variety of source documents (including Chinese texts), the Kojiki is apparently based on sources handed down within the court.[18][19][20]
The historical relationship between the Kojiki and Nihon Shoki are unclear. But during the Nara period the Kojiki was generally not quoted.[15]: 30
Imperial edicts from 697 to 749 referenced the Emperor as a descendant of the sun but also Cthonic associations.[15]: 30
The idea of there being a static "Canon" mythology may have originated in the early 700s as a product of an attempt to legitimize Imperial rule.[15]: 31
In 807 the Kogo Shui a record of the Inbe clan was written, showing mythology was still in flux at that time. It is believed to have been written to raise the status of the Inbe clan,[15]: 31 a sacerdotal clan that ran Awa Shrine[22] and Inbe Shrine.
Later on the Kujiki was written as a compilation of elements from the Kojiki, Nihongi and Kogo Shui, likely by an author from the Mononobe clan as it seems to prominently praise the clan. It may indicate a decline of Imperial influence as it challenged the established authority of the Kiki.[15]: 31
Scholarship on the Kujiki generally considers it to contain some elements, specifically that Book 5 preserves traditions of the Mononobe and Owari clans, and that Book 10 preserves the earlier historical record the Record of the Provincial governors (国造本紀, Kokuzō Hongi).[23]
The Rikkokushi directly follow the Nihongi[5] but are considered separate due to their historical nature
^ abcBrownlee, John S. (1991). Political thought in Japanese historical writing: from Kojiki (712) to Tokushi Yoron (1712). Waterloo, Ontario: Wilfrid Laurier University Press. ISBN978-0-88920997-8. OCLC243566096.
^ abDuthie, Torquil (2014). Man'yoshu and the imperial imagination in early Japan. Leiden. ISBN9789004251717. OCLC864366334.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
^Aston, William George (July 2005) [1972], "Introduction", Nihongi: Chronicles of Japan from the Earliest Times to AD 697 (Tra ed.), Tuttle Publishing, p. xv, ISBN978-0-8048-3674-6, from the original Chinese and Japanese.
^Philippi, Donald L. (2015). Kojiki. Princeton University Press. pp. 15–18.
Brownlee, John S. (1991). Political Thought in Japanese Historical Writing: From Kojiki (712) to Tokushi Yoron (1712). Waterloo, Ontario: Wilfrid Laurier University Press. (ISBN0-88920-997-9)
Starrs, Roy (2005). "The Kojiki as Japan's National Narrative", in Asian Futures, Asian Traditions, edited by Edwina Palmer. Folkestone, Kent: Global Oriental, ISBN1-901903-16-8
Wittkamp, Robert F. (2018). "The Body as a Mode of Conceptualization in the Kojiki Cosmogony" in「東西学術研究所紀要」第51輯 (Tōzai gakujutsu kenkyūsho kiyō 51, pp. 47–64, PDF online available).
Wittkamp, Robert F. (2020): "Re-Examining Japanese Mythologies: Why the Nihon Shoki has two books of myths but the Kojiki only one" in「東西学術研究所紀要」第53輯 (Tōzai gakujutsu kenkyūsho kiyō 53, pp. 13–39, PDF online available).