Wei Yan

For the Chinese-American biologist, see Wei Yan (biologist).

In this Chinese name, the family name is Wei.

Wei Yan
魏延
A Qing dynasty illustration of Wei Yan
Senior General Who Attacks the West (征西大將軍)
In office 231 (231)–234 (234)
Monarch	Liu Shan
Chancellor	Zhuge Liang
Vanguard Military Adviser (前軍師)
In office 231 (231)–234 (234)
Monarch	Liu Shan
Chancellor	Zhuge Liang
Inspector of Liang Province (涼州刺史) (nominal)
In office 227 (227)–? (?)
Monarch	Liu Shan
Chancellor	Zhuge Liang
General Who Guards the North (鎮北將軍)
In office 221 (221)–? (?)
Monarch	Liu Bei / Liu Shan
Chancellor	Zhuge Liang
General Who Guards Distant Lands (鎮遠將軍)
In office 219 (219)–221 (221)
Monarch	Liu Bei
Administrator of Hanzhong (漢中太守) (acting)
In office 219 (219)–? (?)
Monarch	Liu Bei / Liu Shan
General of the Ivory Gate (牙門將軍) / (牙门将军)
In office 214 (214)–? (?)
Personal details
Born	Unknown Nanyang, Henan
Died	234 Sichuan
Children	at least one son
Occupation	Military general, politician
Courtesy name	Wenchang (文長)
Peerage	Marquis of Nanzheng (南鄭侯)

Wei Yan (pronunciation^ⓘ) (died c. October 234[1]), courtesy name Wenchang, was a Chinese military general and politician of the state of Shu Han during the Three Kingdoms period of China. Originally a subordinate of the warlord Liu Bei during the late Eastern Han dynasty, Wei Yan rose through the ranks and became a general after Liu Bei seized control of Yi Province (covering present-day Sichuan and Chongqing) in 214.[2] His performance in battle helped him to become a prominent figure in the Shu military in a short period of time. He was later appointed as the Administrator of Hanzhong Commandery and as an Area Commander in 219.[2] Between 228 and 234, he participated actively in the Northern Expeditions led by the Shu regent Zhuge Liang against Shu's rival state, Cao Wei. After Zhuge Liang's death in c. September 234, Wei Yan was executed by another Shu general, Ma Dai, for alleged treason.

Early life

Wei Yan was from Yiyang Commandery (義陽郡), which covered parts of present-day Nanyang in southern Henan and parts of northern Hubei.[2] He started his career as a foot soldier under the warlord Liu Bei, probably sometime between 209 and 211 when Liu Bei was in southern Jing Province (covering present-day Hubei and Hunan).[2] Around 212, he followed Liu Bei into Yi Province (covering present-day Sichuan and Chongqing) and served Liu Bei as a personal retainer in a war against Liu Zhang, the Governor of Yi Province (益州牧).[2] Huang Zhong and Wei Yan scored many military exploits during the capture of Guanghan County.[3] Thus, Wei Yan promoted to full general.[2]

The campaign met early success with the quick death of Gao Pei and Yang Huai and the later occupation of the passes, followed by the defeat of Liu Zhang's reinforcements at Fu County. Pang Tong was killed during the siege of Luocheng and the siege became a prolonged one. One year later, Wei Yan and Liu Bei finally captured Luocheng, then surrounded and occupied Chengdu together with Zhuge Liang, Zhang Fei along with others.[3] Thus, around the summer of 214, Liu Bei seized control of Yi Province from Liu Zhang.[4][a][b] As Wei Yan has made several contributions in the conquest of Yi Province, Liu Bei promoted him to the rank of General of the Ivory Gate (牙門將軍).[6]

Administrator of Hanzhong

In 219,[7] Wei Yan participated in Liu Bei's Hanzhong Campaign against his rival Cao Cao.[8] After Liu Bei captured Hanzhong, Liu Bei asked his subjects to nominate one of his generals to remain behind and guard Hanzhong.[8] His subjects nominated Zhang Fei, who also strongly believed that he would most likely be chosen.[8] However, much to everyone's surprise, Liu Bei chose Wei Yan instead and appointed him as General Who Guards Distant Lands (鎮遠將軍) and acting Administrator of Hanzhong (漢中太守).[2][8][9] When Liu Bei asked Wei Yan in front of everyone how would he perform his duty, the latter confidently replied:

"If Cao Cao leads all his forces to attack Hanzhong, let me assist Your Highness in resisting them. If an enemy general comes with an army of 100,000, let me engulf them for Your Highness."

Liu Bei was very pleased and everyone was impressed with Wei Yan's reply.[10]

During his tenure, Wei Yan explained to Liu Bei that he used a strategy called the "double gates" (重門之計). The ancient text I Ching described this strategy as a particularly designed fortification which laid numerous military garrisons surrounding the outskirt and trail exits linking to Hanzhong.[11][12]

Following the end of the Eastern Han dynasty and the start of the Three Kingdoms period in 220, Liu Bei declared himself emperor in 221 and established the state of Shu Han (or Shu) to challenge the legitimacy of the Cao Wei (or Wei) state established by Cao Cao's successor, Cao Pi, to replace the Eastern Han dynasty.[13] Liu Bei further promoted Wei Yan to General Who Guards the North (鎮北將軍) after his coronation.[14]

Northern Expeditions

Main article: Zhuge Liang's Northern Expeditions

Zhuge Liang's fourth and fifth northern expeditions against Cao Wei

After Liu Bei died in 223, his son Liu Shan succeeded him as the emperor of Shu.[15] In the same year, Liu Shan enfeoffed Wei Yan as a Marquis of a Chief Village (都亭侯).[16]

In 227, Zhuge Liang, the Imperial Chancellor of Shu, mobilised the Shu military and gathered troops in Hanzhong Commandery in preparation for a large scale invasion of Shu's rival state, Cao Wei (or Wei), where he put Wei Yan in charge of the vanguard division and appointed him as acting Major under the Imperial Chancellor (丞相司馬) and acting Inspector of Liang Province (涼州刺史).[2][17] During this campaign, Wei Yan always requested to lead a separate detachment of 10,000 troops, take a different route through the Ziwu Valley (子午谷) and rendezvous with the Shu main army at Tong Pass (潼關; in present-day Tongguan County, Shaanxi).[18]

Wei Yan argued that the Ziwu Valley and its resources could support the Shu army's operations at least for a week.[18] However, Zhuge Liang rejected the plan because he thought that it was too risky, prompting Wei Yan to call Zhuge Liang a coward and complain that his talent was not put to good use.[19][20] When Chen Shou compiled the unofficial works on the history of Shu to write the Sanguozhi, he only mentioned that Wei Yan suggested to Zhuge Liang to split the Shu army into two, and the two forces would take two different routes and rendezvous at Tong Pass.[c]

Later in 230, during the Ziwu Campaign, Wei Yan led some troops towards Yangxi (陽谿; southwest of present-day Wushan County, Gansu) and engaged the Wei forces led by and Guo Huai and Fei Yao, where Wei Yan managed to inflict a heavy defeat to them.[22] During the same year, he also assisted another Shu general Wu Yi in attacking Nan'an Commandery (南安郡; southeast of present-day Longxi County, Gansu) where they scored another victory against a Wei army led by Fei Yao.[23]

During the fourth campaign in 231, Wei Yan was also involved in the Battle of Mount Qi when he, together with the Shu generals Gao Xiang and Wu Ban, scored a major victory against the Wei army led by Sima Yi, during which they killed 3,000 Wei soldiers and seized 5,000 sets of armour and 3,100 crossbows. Sima Yi was forced to retreat back to his camp.[24][25] Zhang He, a veteran Wei general, was also killed in battle during this conflict.[26][d] As a reward for his contributions, the Shu government promoted Wei Yan to Vanguard Military Adviser (前軍師) and Senior General Who Attacks the West (征西大將軍), and elevated him from a village marquis to a county marquis under the title "Marquis of Nanzheng" (南鄭侯).[27]

Battle of Wuzhang Plains

See also: Battle of Wuzhang Plains

A monument in Hutouqiao, Hanzhong, Shanxi, believed to be site where Wei Yan was executed

In 234, Zhuge Liang launched the fifth Shu invasion of Wei, with Wei Yan leading the Shu vanguard force as one of the commanding officers. Wei Yan reportedly had a dream that a horn grew on top of his head. He asked the dream diviner Zhao Zhi (趙直) the meaning of this.[28] Zhao Zhi lied to him and said:

"A qilin has horns, but does not use them; this is an auspicious sign that the enemy will destroy themselves without battle".[29]

After Wei Yan left, Zhao Zhi revealed to someone that the Chinese character for "horn" (角) is composed of a "knife" (刀) with "use" (用) below it, which meant that dreaming of "using a knife" atop one's head was an extremely ominous omen.[30][31] Later in the encampment, Wei Yan had a quarrel with Yang Yi, Zhuge Liang's chief clerk, whom Wei Yan was extremely resentful of.[32] Whenever they got into heated quarrels, Wei Yan often drew his sword and brandished it in front of Yang Yi, who sobbed as tears rolled down his cheeks. This prompted Fei Yi to step in to stop them from fighting and keep them under control until Zhuge Liang's death.[33] Zhuge Liang was upset by the lack of harmony between Wei Yan and Yang Yi, but was unwilling to side with either of them because he appreciated the talents of both men.[34]

When Zhuge Liang became critically ill during the invasion, he gave secret orders to Yang Yi, Fei Yi and Jiang Wei to lead the army back to Shu after his death, with Wei Yan in charge of the rearguard and Jiang Wei to follow behind. If Wei Yan refused to follow the order, they were to retreat without him.[35] When Zhuge Liang died, news of his death was kept secret.[35] Yang Yi sent Fei Yi to meet Wei Yan and assess his intentions.[35] Wei Yan told Fei Yi:

"Although the Imperial Chancellor is dead, I am still alive. The officials serving in the Imperial Chancellor's Office may bring his body back (to Chengdu) for burial, but I should remain behind to lead the army to attack the enemy. Must we abandon our mission just because of the death of one man? Besides, who am I, Wei Yan, to submit to Yang Yi's command and lead the rearguard?"[36]

Wei Yan then asked Fei Yi to assist him in making arrangements for part of the Shu army to remain behind and continue with the campaign, while the rest would retreat back to Shu.[37] Fei Yi pretended to write a letter, signed by both of them, and told Wei Yan that he would read out the letter to all the officers about the new arrangements. It turned out that he had lied by telling Wei Yan that he would go back and explain Wei Yan's answer to Yang Yi.[37]

Death

Wei Yan then let Fei Yi leave, but he immediately regretted his decision and went after Fei Yi, but could not catch up with Fei Yi in time.[37] He then sent his subordinate to meet Yang Yi and the others, but was shocked to discover that all units were preparing to retreat in accordance with Zhuge Liang's final orders.[37] Wei Yan wanted to continue the battle even though Zhuge Liang had died, so he became furious when he heard of the retreat.[37] He intended to block the Shu forces from retreating, so he led his force towards the south – ahead of the main army under Yang Yi's command – and sealed the return route by destroying the gallery roads leading back to Shu.[37]

Wei Yan and Yang Yi separately wrote memorials to the Shu imperial court to accuse each other of treason; both memorials arrived in Chengdu on the same day.[37] The Shu emperor Liu Shan asked the ministers Dong Yun and Jiang Wan for their opinions.[37] Both of them sided with Yang Yi and felt that Wei Yan's actions were suspicious. In the meantime, Yang Yi ordered his men to cut down trees to rebuild the gallery roads, and his troops marched day and night to catch up with Wei Yan.[35] Wei Yan arrived at the southern valley first and ordered his soldiers to attack Yang Yi.[35] Yang Yi sent Wang Ping to resist Wei Yan. Wang Ping shouted at Wei Yan:

"His Excellency (Zhuge Liang) had just died and his body had yet to turn cold, and now you dare to do something like this!"

Wei Yan's men knew that their commander was in the wrong so they deserted.[38]

Wei Yan was left with only his son(s) and a few followers, and they fled towards Hanzhong Commandery. Yang Yi ordered Ma Dai to give chase.[39] Ma Dai executed Wei Yan, brought his head back, and threw it in front of Yang Yi.[39] Yang Yi trampled on Wei Yan's head and said:

"You inferior slave! Now, can you still commit evil?"[39]

Wei Yan's family members and close relatives were also executed.[39] Before Wei Yan's death, Jiang Wan had led the imperial guards from Chengdu to deal with what appeared to be a mutiny by Wei Yan.[39] They had travelled for about 10 li (about three miles) when they received news of Wei Yan's death; they then turned back and returned to Chengdu.[39]

Character analysis

Statue of Wei Yan in the Zhuge Liang Memorial Temple in the Wuzhang Plains, Shaanxi

Wei Yan was known for treating his soldiers well and for his bravery with valour that surpassed others. However, he was also boastful of his talents, hence his peers tended to shun him.[40] Sun Quan had also once remarked that once Zhuge Liang died, Wei Yan would prove to be an unreliable person.[9] Chen Shou, who wrote Wei Yan's biography in the Sanguozhi, analysed Wei Yan's death as such:

"Wei Yan's initial intention was not to head north to surrender to Wei. Instead, he wanted to retreat back to the south. He desired to kill Yang Yi and the others who disagreed with him. Although the officers held differing opinions, he strongly believed that they would generally agree to him becoming Zhuge Liang's successor. That was his true intention; he was not thinking of rebelling."[41][42]

Chen Shou also remarked that Zhuge Liang valued Wei Yan's bravery and was caught in a dilemma when the latter got into conflict with Yang Yi, whose talent Zhuge Liang also appreciated.[43]

A similar, but somewhat different and more detailed, account exists in the historical text Weilüe by Yu Huan. It stated that Zhuge Liang told Wei Yan to set up defences, although he also gave further instruction to "not return here".[44] Wei Yan kept this order to himself and did not share it with others, thus prompting Wei Yan's rival, Yang Yi, to spread false rumours that Wei Yan intended to defect to the enemy, causing Shu forces to turn against Wei Yan and result in his downfall.[44] Pei Songzhi, who added the Weilüe account to Wei Yan's biography and annotated the Sanguozhi, cast doubts on the Weilüe account:

"I believe this account (Weilue) was derived from hearsay in the enemy state (Wei) and may not be as reliable as compared to the original account (by Chen Shou)."[45]

Wei Yan's death was explained in political terms in "Injustice to Wei Yan" (魏延的千古奇冤), a neoteric article by Zhu Ziyan, a history professor from Shanghai University. Zhu wrote that Zhuge Liang personally appointed Jiang Wan, Fei Yi and Jiang Wei to be his successors, but Wei Yan's appointments and contributions were greater than those of any of them at the time.[46] Zhuge Liang ostracised Wei Yan and cracked down on him because he wanted to eliminate Wei Yan as a possible obstacle to his appointed successors.[46]

Meanwhile, in the Analysis of the Three Kingdoms, Yi Zhongtian commented that Zhuge Liang's last order to forcibly retreat and leave Wei Yan alone was contradicted by what he personally instructed Wei Yan; such contradiction indirectly led to tragedy between Wei Yan and Yang Yi.[47] The forced retreat after Zhuge Liang's death might have been Yang Yi's idea rather than Zhuge Liang's, since Zhuge Liang died before devising any withdrawal plan. Yi Zhongtian thus theorised that there was no evidence of the theory that Yang Yi fabricated the order.[47] Yi Zhongtian also explained another possible hypothesis that Zhuge Liang's final order "leave Wei Yan alone" simply meant "ignore Wei Yan" rather than "kill Wei Yan"; the Shu forces had to withdraw and if Wei Yan could not be stopped, they should have just let him be.[47] Yi Zhongtian analysed and criticised Wei Yan for not grasping the political-economic reasons behind Zhuge Liang's expeditions and his extreme caution.[47] Zhuge Liang launched the expeditions not only to restore the Han dynasty, but also to keep Shu in a state of war so that he could strengthen his control over Shu's internal affairs and suppress potential dissidence among local elites in Shu.[47]

As the smallest and weakest amongst the Three Kingdoms, Shu would be the first one to be targeted, hence it had to launch preemptive attacks to intimidate its opponents, to expand its territory, and to improve its conditions - the chances of success were not high but it would have been better than doing nothing.[47] Zhuge Liang's goal of restoring the Han dynasty was sincere and had never changed. However, Wei was too powerful and could not be defeated in a single blow, hence the expeditions had to be carried out in a careful manner with guaranteed advances rather than going with daring but risky strikes which could lead to disasters like the Battles of Xiaoting and Fancheng.[47] Such a complicated situation could not be explained clearly to Wei Yan, and probably did not need to be, as Zhuge Liang wanted to keep Wei Yan's morale at his peak.[47]

Ziwu Valley plan analysis

Wei Yan's reasoning for his Ziwu Valley Plan was recorded in the Weilüe, which was then added as an annotation to his biography in the Sanguozhi, where Chen Shou recorded that Wei Yan received intelligence which led him to conclude that the defender of the strategic city of Chang'an, Xiahou Mao, was incompetent.[48] Thus, Wei Yan reasoned, it would be easy for him to take 5,000 troops (and another 5,000 to carry supplies) across the Qin Mountains via the Ziwu Valley and into Chang'an.[48] Wei Yan estimated that he would reach Chang'an in ten days and scare Xiahou Mao into flight, leaving the grain in Chang'an's storehouses for Shu's taking.[48] There, Wei Yan's force can wait for Zhuge Liang's main army to take the safer road out of Xie Valley (斜谷) and rendezvous in Chang'an. In this way, the region west of Xianyang could be conquered in one movement."[48] The Weilue argued that the plan might have worked; Sima Yi had acknowledged the possibility that Shu forces would carry out the plan while Xiahou Mao had not realised it.[49]

When the Wei government received intelligence about Wei Yan's Ziwu Valley Plan, the Wei emperor Cao Rui immediately removed Xiahou Mao from his military command in Chang'an and reassigned him to be a Master of Writing (尚書) in Luoyang.[47] Yi Zhongtian, in his Analysis of the Three Kingdoms, commented that both proponents and opponents of Wei Yan's plan had strong reasons.[47] Wei forces were rather unprepared to counter the first Northern Expedition as they had not foreseen that Shu forces could launch such an offensive, hence both Zhuge Liang and Wei Yan's strikes could have dealt a massive blow to Wei defences.[47] However, Wei Yan's plan was also very risky, as neither Xiahou Mao's retreat nor the timely arrival of the main Shu force led by Zhuge Jiang could have been guaranteed. Moreover, the Wei general Guo Huai was stationed nearby and could have come to Xiahou Mao's aid.[47]

However, recent scholarship of Chinese history criticised the Weilue account, stating that Yu Huan had exaggerated the alleged conflict between Wei Yan and Zhuge Liang over the latter's rejection of the former's Ziwu Valley plan.[50] Wen-Chin Wang of the Department of Chinese Language and Literature suspected that the Weilue account was biased since Yu Huan supported the state of Wei.[50]

Legacy

Military fortification

The "Heavy Gate" (重門之計) bulwark designed by Wei Yan during his tenure as Administrator of Hanzhong Commandery particularly turned out useful on two occasions when his successors as Administrator of Hanzhong Commandery used it to repel invaders. It also helped the Shu general Wang Ping defend Hanzhong Commandery from a massive invasion led by the Wei general Cao Shuang.[12][51] The Shu general Jiang Wei later dismantled the "Heavy Gate" fortification in favour of his own design.[7] However, Jiang Wei's new defence strategy failed to impede Wei invaders led by Zhong Hui, and Jiang Wei himself ultimately lost control of Hanzhong.[52][53]

Wei Yan Shrines

A Wei Yan Shrine (魏延祠) is located in Baique Village, Sanquan Township, Zitong County, Sichuan. In front of the shrine flows a Wei Family River (魏家河). On the plains east of the river, there once stood a Wei Family River Temple (魏家河廟), which had three stone tablets in front of it.[54] One of the stone tablets bears the words "Wei Yan once led soldiers and was stationed here."[54] According to legend, in 231, during the fourth Shu invasion of Wei, Zhuge Liang ordered Wei Yan to lead a separate force to station south of the Wei Family River where, in memory of the incident, the locals built the Wei Family River Temple beside the river and a small bridge called "General Bridge" (將軍橋).[54] The Wei Yan Shrine was initially demolished by the government but was rebuilt in 1995.[54] A statue of Wei Yan stands in the main hall of the shrine.[55]

There is another temple attributed to Wei Yan in Wei Yan's purported hometown in Weijia Village, Gaobao Township, Qingfeng County, Henan.[54]

In popular cultures

Wei Yan (far left) and Han Xuan (sitting) in Chinese theater

Wei Yan (far left) trapping Sima Yi and his sons in Shangfang Valley (上方谷).

Depictions of Romance of the Three Kingdoms novel

In Romance of the Three Kingdoms

Wei Yan appears as a character in the historical novel Romance of the Three Kingdoms by Luo Guanzhong, which romanticises the historical events leading to, and during the Three Kingdoms period, such as Wei Yan participation in the fictional Battle of Changsha.[56] Wei Yan surrendered to Liu Bei after killing his superior, Han Xuan.[57]

During a clash between Liu Bei against Ma Chao forces, Wei Yan defeat Ma Dai after they duelled for several bouts, causing the latter to flee.[58]

During the battle in Hanzhong, Wei Yan and Zhang Fei were unable to overcame Zhang He, causing both to retreat.[59]

According to Zhang Chaoju,[e] Wei Yan was beaten during this campaign by Cao Cao's general, Pang De.[60]

Later, during the battle of Wuzhang plains, Wei Yan lured Sima Yi and his two sons, Sima Shi and Sima Zhao into a fire ambush.[61] However, a sudden, heavy rain caused the fire to extinguish, and the plan failed; prompting the Simas to escape.[62]

Modern era depictions

“Sun Qi Mountain” drama which was written by Wei Ming-Lun, that described the relationship between two important historical figures Zhuge Liang and Wei Yan depicted the latter in positive light as it was not Wei Yan intent to betray Shu, which making him as tragic hero figure.[63]

Wei Yan is featured as a playable character in Koei's Dynasty Warriors and Warriors Orochi video game series. He also appears in Koei's Dynasty Tactics 2.[64]

Bibliography

Notes

1. In the Eastern Han dynasty and Three Kingdoms period, there were two categories of general ranks: Generals of Important Titles (重號將軍) and Generals of Miscellaneous Titles (雜號將軍). The former category includes generals with specific appointments. The latter category includes generals with no specific appointments. Wei Yan's rank of General of the Ivory Gate (牙門將軍) belonged to the latter category.[5]
2. According to the biographies of Wei Yan and Zhao Yun in Records of the Three Kingdoms, this title was only bestowed to the two of them. However, the biography of Wang Ping also recorded that Wang Ping also offered the same title by Liu Bei.
3. Not much details were recorded due to the fact that during Liu Shan's rule, he did not establish a history bureau, a departement whose task was to maintain records of historical events. When Chen Shou attempted to compile the histories of Shu, he lamented about this. It is noteworthy that Shu had 40,000 officials when it was conquered by Wei in 263, but out of these 40,000, none of them held the appointment of historian.[21]
4. Guo Chong, a minister in the late Wei and early Jin dynasties and the son of Guo Zhi, the Prefect of Dong'an County, had assessed this record of Zhang He's defeat as reliable. However, he noted this campaign actually occurred in two separate battles, in which Zhang He fell during the second clash.[26]
5. Zhang Chaoju is a modern self taught historian and professor of finance who served as lecturer in University of Queensland and Harvard, he authored the trilogy books of Cao Cao historical biography and the biography of the Sima family which involved in the War of the Eight Princes

References

1. Zhuge Liang's biography in Records of the Three Kingdoms mentioned that he died in the 8th month of the 12th year of the Jianxing era (223–237) in Liu Shan's reign. This month corresponds to 11 September to 10 October 234 in the Julian calendar. ([建興]十二年 ... 其年八月，亮疾病，卒于軍...。) Since Wei Yan died soon after Zhuge Liang, his death date should be in c. October 234.
2. de Crespigny (2007), p. 857.
3. 黄其军. 三国史话 (in Chinese). p. 63. Retrieved 17 January 2022. 刘备派遣黄忠、魏延等分统军队平定广汉郡,立下战功。214 年,魏延随刘备攻克益州重镇雒城,并与诸葛亮、张飞等人一起包围并占领了成都。镇守汉中扬威名。219 年,刘备在沔阳自称汉中王,定都于成都,主力回撤后必须留大将镇守汉中。
4. Sima (1084), vols. 66–67.
5. Sima Guang (1200s) [1084]. "vol. 68". In Hu Sanxing (ed.). Zizhi Tongjian zhu. 牙門、鎮遠，皆劉備創置將軍號
6. 李学勤 (Li Xueqin) (1995). 傳世藏書: 三国志, 晋书 (Handed down collections: Three Kingdoms, Jinshu) (in Chinese). 海南国际新闻出版中心 (Hainan International Press and Publication Center ). p. 380, (以部曲隨先主入蜀，數有戰功，遷牙門將軍。) Sanguozhi vol. 40. Retrieved 15 January 2022. 魏延字文长,义阳人也。以部曲随先主入蜀,数有战功,迁牙门将军。先主为汉中王,迁治成都,当得重将以镇汉川,众论以为必在张飞,飞亦以心自许。
7. Sima (1084), vol. 68.
8. Chen and Pei (429), vol. 40: Biography of Wei Yan: "先主為漢中王，遷治成都，當得重將以鎮漢川，衆論以為必在張飛，飛亦以心自許。先主乃拔延為督漢中鎮遠將軍，領漢中太守，一軍盡驚。"
9. Wu 2003, p. “There is treason in his bones,” said Zhuge Liang about Wei Yan. However there is no real basis for such an assumption other than a remark from Sun Quan recorded in SGZ, saying that Wei Yan may prove unreliable after Kongming’s death. harvnb error: no target: CITEREFWu2003 (help)
10. 陳禹謨 (1992). 駢志 (hardcover) (Encyclopedias and dictionaries, Chinese) (in Chinese). 上海古籍出版社. ISBN 9787532511105. Retrieved 20 January 2022. ....亮每次伐魏,延輛請別將萬人出子午谷為奇兵,徑襲長安,亮終不許,由是為延所 o 卿以重任,卿居之,欲云何?』延對曰:『若曹操舉天下而來,請為大王拒之;偏將十萬之眾至,請為大王吞之。張飛,飛亦以心自許,先主乃拔延為督漢中、鎮遠將軍,領漢中『太守·一軍盡驚。.... Sanguozhi
11. 张东 (2016). 阳平关口说三分 (ebook) (in Chinese). BEIJING BOOK CO. INC. p. (初，先主留魏延鎮漢中，皆實兵諸圍以禦外敵，敵若來攻，使不得入。(At the beginning, the First Sovereign stayed in the Weiyan town of Hanzhong, all surrounded by troops to defend against foreign enemies. If the enemy came to attack, they would not be able to enter.) Sanguozhi vol. 44. ISBN 9787551813679. Retrieved 20 January 2022.
12. Liaoning Academy of Social Sciences, Liaoning Federation of Philosophy and Social Sciences Societies, 辽宁 社会 科学院, 辽宁省 哲学 社会 科学 学会 联合会 (1989). 社会科学辑刊 Volumes 60-65 [Journal of Social Sciences - Volumes 60-65] (in Chinese). 沈阳市邮政局 (Shenyang Post Office ). p. 77. Retrieved 17 January 2022.
13. Sima (1084), vol. 69.
14. 洪武雄 (Hong Wuxiong) (2008). 蜀漢政治制度史考論 [A Textual Research on the History of the Political System of Shu and Han] (China -- History -- Three kingdoms, 220-265 -- Politics and government -- 221 B.C.-960 A.D., China -- Politics and government, China -- Politics and government -- History -- Three kingdoms, 220-265, China / History / Three kingdoms, 220-265, China / Politics and government / 220-589, China -- Politics and government -- 220-589 -- History -- Three kingdoms, 220-265). 文津出版有限公司 (Wenjin Publishing Co). p. 369. ISBN 9789576688515. Retrieved 21 January 2022. 先主踐尊號，進拜鎮北將軍
15. Sima (1084), vol. 70.
16. (Zhang Xiufeng) (2013). 歷史的羅生門 (Young Adult Nonfiction / Comics & Graphic Novels / History, China -- Anecdotes -- History -- Biography) (in Chinese). 新潮社文化事業有限公司(Xinchaoshe Cultural Enterprise Co., Ltd. ). p. 34. ISBN 9789863162995. Retrieved 21 January 2022. 建興元年，封都亭侯
17. "奇葩歷史 魏延簡傳， 魏延之子". 2021. Retrieved 5 December 2021. 此「重門之計」並非重於城門的防守，而是於漢中險要之地，東、南、北門、等各路關口、隘口，設下大型防禦工事，皆以強將銳卒守御，工事中弩兵可強弩齊發，隘口下可輕騎疾行，並可相互救援、接應，以精銳部隊防禦反擊的策略。(五年，諸葛亮駐漢中，更以延為督前部，領丞相司馬、涼州刺史， ...) Sanguozhi vol. 40.
18. 林文月; 莊信正; 蔡宗齊 (2013). Xu, Youfang (ed.). 國際漢學研究趨勢：鄭清茂教授八秩華誕祝壽論文集下冊 [Trends in International Sinology Research: Professor Zheng Qingmao's Eighth Rank Birthday Essay Collection Volume 2] (Reference / General, Scholars -- Biography -- Taiwan, Chinese literature -- History and criticism) (in Chinese). Airiti Press. p. 192. ISBN 9789860363333. Retrieved 18 January 2022. 達得亮書,數相交通,辭欲叛魏... 亮亦以達無款誠之心,故不救助也。」同前註,卷 41,頁 1016。 27 裴松之注引《魏略》曰:「夏侯楙為安西將軍,鎮長安,亮於南鄭與群下計議,延曰:『聞夏侯楙少,主婿也,怯而無謀。今假延精兵五千, 今假延精兵五千,負糧五千,直從褒中出,循秦嶺而東,當子午而北,不過十日可到長安.... 京兆太守耳,橫門邸閣與散民之穀足周食也。比東方相合聚,尚二十許日.... 从斜谷来,必足以达。如此,则一举而咸阳以西可定矣。;Vol. 41, p. 1016. 27 Pei Songzhi's commentary quoted "Wei Lue"
19. 张东 2016, p. (延每隨亮出，輒欲請兵萬人，與亮異道會于潼關，如韓信故事，亮制而不許。延常謂亮為怯，歎恨己才用之不盡。) Sanguozhi vol. 40. According to Sima Guang, this strategy was based on an earlier strategy used by the general Han Xin in the 200s BCE..
20. Sima (1084), vol. 71.
21. 二十五史: 三國志集解六十五卷 (Twenty-five Histories: Anthology of the Three Kingdoms in Sixty-five Volumes) (China -- History) (in Chinese) (reprint ed.). 藝文印書舘 (Art Press). 1956. Retrieved 21 January 2022. (又國不置史，注記無官，是以行事多遺，灾異靡書。諸葛亮雖達於為政，凡此之類，猶有未周焉。) Sanguozhi vol. 32.
22. Shi 2020, p. Records of the Three Kingdoms, compiled by Chen Shou in 289; Sanguozhi vol. 40. Pei Songzhi's annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 45....; 八年，使延西入羌中，魏後將軍費瑤、雍州刺史郭淮與延戰于陽谿，延大破淮等，Sanguozhi vol. 40..
23. Shi 2020, p. (三國志, Sānguó Zhì), compiled by Chen Shou 陳壽 in 289; (建興八年，與魏延入南安界，破魏將費瑤，) Pei Songzhi's annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 45.
24. 中國人民解放军. 武汉部队. 司令部. 軍事资料研究组 (People's Liberation Army. Wuhan Army. Headquarters. Military Data Research Group ) (1979). 中國古代戰争一百例 [One Hundred Cases of Ancient Chinese Wars] (Subject: Battles -- China, China -- History, Military) (in Chinese). China: 湖北人民出版社. p. 329. Retrieved 18 January 2022. 漢晉春秋曰： ... 五月辛巳，乃使張郃攻无當監何平於南圍，自案中道向亮。亮使魏延、高翔、吳班赴拒，大破之，獲甲首三千級、玄鎧五千領、角弩三千一百張，宣王還保營
25. Shi, Li. The Military History of Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasty (ebook). deeplogic. Retrieved 18 January 2022. Three kingdoms vol 35 Zhuge Liang biography;Pei Songzhi annotation of Xi Zuochi Hanjin Chunqiu from in Sanguozhi vol. 35.
26. 诸葛亮研究. 巴蜀书社, 成都市诸葛亮研究会(Zhuge Liang research center in Chengdu). 1985. p. 63. Retrieved 17 January 2022. 吴班赴拒,大破之,获甲首三千级,玄铠五十领,角弩三千一百张,宣王还保营。( 54 )从上所述,证实郭冲说的诸葛亮"杀张郃,却宣王"是可信的,只不过这两件事有先有后,不是"一战"取得的。至于《晋书》所载: " (宣)帝攻拔其围,亮弯道,追击破之,俘斩万计。
27. 张东 2016, p. 遷為前軍師征西大將軍，假節，進封南鄭侯.
28. 李慕如 2004, p. 21, 十二年，亮出北谷口，延為前鋒。出亮營十里，延夢頭上生角，以問占夢趙直退而告人曰) Sanguozhi vol. 40
29. (，直詐延曰：「夫麒麟有角而不用，此不戰而賊欲自破之象也。」) Sanguozhi vol. 40.
30. (退而告人曰：「角之為字，刀下用也；頭上用刀，其凶甚矣。」) Sanguozhi vol. 40.
31. 李慕如 (2004). 文學與人生 [Literature and Life] (Conduct of life, Literature -- History and criticism) (in Chinese). 五南圖書出版股份有限公司. p. 21. ISBN 9789571134611. Retrieved 20 January 2022. (，直詐延曰：「夫麒麟有角而不用，此不戰而賊欲自破之象也。」) Sanguozhi vol. 40.
32. 洪武雄(HUNG, Wu-hsiung) (2019). "諸葛亮之人事布局與蜀漢政權的世代交替 Zhuge Liang's Personnel Arrangement and the Generational Transition of Power of the Shu Han regime". 新亞學報 (Journal of New Asia) (in Chinese and English). 36. HUNG, Wu-hsiung: 169–209, Only Yang Yi did not use the delay, but felt that the delay was extremely angry, like water and fire(唯楊儀不假借延,延以為至忿,有如水火。) Sanguozhi vol. 40. Retrieved 20 January 2022.
33. 洪武雄(HUNG, Wu-hsiung) 2019, p. 169 - 209; The military advisor Wei Yan and Yang Yi, the chief historian, hated each other. Whenever they sat side by side to argue, they extended or raised their swords to imitate the ceremony. The user of ceremonies was also the power of saving(值軍師魏延與長史楊儀相憎惡，每至並坐爭論，延或舉刃擬儀，儀泣涕橫集。禕常入其坐間，諫喻分別，終亮之世，各盡延、儀之用者，禕匡救之力也。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
34. jiuwan (Giao Chau) 2003, p. (亮深惜儀之才幹，憑魏延之驍勇，常恨二人之不平，不忍有所偏廢也。) Sanguozhi vol. 40..
35. 林文月, 莊信正 & 蔡宗齊 2013, p. 202(秋，亮病困，密與長史楊儀、司馬費禕、護軍姜維等作身歿之後退軍節度，令延斷後，姜維次之；若延或不從命，軍便自發。) Sanguozhi vol. 40..(亮適卒，祕不發喪) Sanguozhi vol. 40..(儀令禕往揣延意指...(延先至，據南谷口，遣兵逆擊儀等，) Sanguozhi vol. 40....(儀等槎山通道，晝夜兼行，亦繼延後。) Sanguozhi vol. 40...。) Sanguozhi vol. 40.
36. 林文月, 莊信正 & 蔡宗齊 2013, p. 202 延曰：「丞相雖亡，吾自見在。府親官屬便可將喪還葬，吾自當率諸軍擊賊，云何以一人死廢天下之事邪？且魏延何人，當為楊儀所部勒，作斷後將乎！ 」) Sanguozhi vol. 40.
37. 林文月, 莊信正 & 蔡宗齊 2013, p. 202, 因與禕共作行留部分，令禕手書與己連名，告下諸將...當為君還解楊長史，長史文吏，稀更軍事，必不違命也。」)...死廢天下之事邪?且魏延何人,當為楊儀所部勒,作斷後將乎!...儀未發，率所領徑先南歸...延、儀各相表叛逆，...所過燒絕閣道....一日之中，羽檄交至...後主以問侍中董允、留府長史蔣琬，琬、允咸保儀疑延，Sanguozhi vol. 40
38. 林文月, 莊信正 & 蔡宗齊 2013, p. 203(儀等令何平在前禦延。平叱延先登曰：「公亡，身尚未寒，汝輩何敢乃爾！」延士眾知曲在延，莫為用命，軍皆散。) Sanguozhi vol. 40.
39. 林文月, 莊信正 & 蔡宗齊 2013, p. 203, 延獨與其子數人逃亡，奔漢中....儀遣馬岱追斬之,致首於儀,儀起自踏之,曰...儀遣馬岱追斬之，致首於儀，儀起自踏之，曰：「庸奴！復能作惡不？...遂夷延三族...初，蔣琬率宿衛諸營赴難北行...行數十里，延死問至，乃旋
40. 沈伯俊 (Shen Bojun) (2018). Shen Bojun on the Three Kingdoms: 2 volumes (ebook) (Literary Criticism / Ancient & Classical, Literary Criticism / Asian / Chinese, Electronic books) (in Chinese). 西南交通大学出版社 (Beijing Book Co. Inc. ). pp. (延旣善養士卒,勇猛過人,又性矜高,當時皆避下之。) Sanguozhi vol. 40. ISBN 9787564364403. Retrieved 21 January 2022.
41. (原延意不北降魏而南還者，但欲除殺儀等。平日諸將素不同，兾時論必當以代亮。本指如此。不便背叛。) Sanguozhi vol. 40.
42. 张东 2016, p. 他说:“原延意不北降魏而南还者,但欲除杀仪等。平日诸将素不同,冀时论必当以代亮。本指如此。不便背叛。Sanguozhi vol. 40.
43. jiuwan (Giao Chau) (2003). "Yang Yi (Weigong) 楊儀 (威公)". Kongming archives. Retrieved 20 January 2022. Translated from Chen Shou's Records of the Three Kingdoms annotated by Pei Songzhi
44. 姚季農 (1966). 諸葛亮: 歷史平話 (in Chinese). 姚秉凡. p. 179. Retrieved 20 January 2022. ... 可是,魏略又這樣說:「諸葛亮病,謂延等云:我之死後,但謹自守,慎勿復來也。令延攝行已事,密持喪去,延遂匿之,行至褒口,乃發喪。Weilüe annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 40.
45. 杨耀坤; 伍野春; 南京大学. 中国思想家研究中心 (1998). 陈寿裴松之评传 [A Biography of Chen Shou and Pei Song] (hardcover) (Historians -- Biography -- China, Historiography, Chinese -- Biography) (in Chinese). 南京大学出版社 / Nanjing University Press. ISBN 978-7-305-03268-4. Retrieved 20 January 2022. (臣松之以為此蓋敵國傳聞之言，不得與本傳爭審。) Pei Songzhi's annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 40.
46. Ziyan, Zhu (2014). "Injustice to Wei Yan (魏延的千古奇冤)". quilishi (in Chinese). Retrieved 20 January 2022. 诸葛亮亲自指定了接班人，蒋琬、费袆、姜维。但是魏延的官职、功劳要比他们个人大得多，诸葛亮打击魏延，排挤魏延是为他的接班人扫除障碍，去掉绊脚石
47. author (2001). "41: Attacks for Defenses". Yi Zhongtian. Analysis of the Three Kingdoms (history) (in Chinese). 上海文艺出版社. ISBN 978-7532157747. {{cite book}}: |author1= has generic name (help)
48. 林文月, 莊信正 & 蔡宗齊 2013, p. 202,(魏略曰：夏侯楙為安西將軍，鎮長安，亮於南鄭與羣下計議，延曰：「聞夏侯楙少，主壻也，怯而無謀。今假延精兵五千，負糧五千，直從褒中出，循秦嶺而東，當子午而北，不過十日可到長安。楙聞延奄至，必乘船逃走。長安中惟有御史、京兆太守耳，黃門邸閣與散民之穀足周食也。比東方相合聚，尚二十許日，而公從斜谷來，必足以達。如此，則一舉而咸陽以西可定矣。」亮以為此縣危，不如安從坦道，可以平取隴右，十全必克而無虞，故不用延計。) Weilüe annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 40.
49. "《早期中國史研究》第3卷第2期". Zaoqi Zhongguo Shi Yanjiu. Taipei, Taiwan: Early and Medieval Chinese History: 20. 2011. ISSN 2075-0366. Retrieved 15 January 2022.
50. Wang 2011, p. 33
51. 张东 2016, p. (及興勢之役，王平捍拒曹爽，皆承此制。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
52. 李学勤 (Li Xueqin) harvnb error: no target: CITEREF李学勤_(Li_Xueqin) (help)
53. 嚴耕望 (Yang Gengwang); 中央研究院. 歷史語言研究所 (Academia Sinica. Institute of History and Linguistics) (1985). 唐代交通圖考 Volume 4 (Tang Dynasty Traffic Map Examination, Volume 4) (Communication and traffic -- History -- China) (in Chinese). 中央研究院歷史語言研究所 (Institute of History and Linguistics, Academia Sinica ). p. 909. Retrieved 22 January 2022. (維聞鍾會諸軍已入漢中，引退還。欣等追躡於彊川口，大戰，維敗走。) Sanguozhi vol. 28.
54. 黄其军. 三国史话 (in Chinese). DeepLogic. p. 203. Retrieved 17 January 2022. 间三国"24 将"里排名第 20 位,武艺高强勿庸置疑,自从跟随刘备之后就一直忠心耿耿,是一名不可多得的将才。但最终谋反的结局令人意外,惨遭被杀也令人痛惜,《三国志·蜀书》和《资治通鉴》有其记载。此一回书评就来看看这魏延的故事。
55. "镇远将军魏延祠 [Shrine of General Wei Yan]". 中华魏氏网 [Chinese Wei Family Website] (in Chinese). 5 January 2012. Retrieved 21 February 2015.
56. Roberts, Moss; Guanzhong, Luo (2004). Roberts, Moss; S. Service, John (eds.). Three Kingdoms, A Historical Novel Complete and Unabridged (paperback) (Novel, historical novel, Historical Fiction, War story). Translated by Moss Roberts. University of California Press. p. 403. ISBN 9780520224780. Retrieved 20 January 2022.
57. Roberts 2004, p. 1051. sfn error: no target: CITEREFRoberts2004 (help)
58. Roberts & Guanzhong 2004, p. 495.
59. Roberts & Guanzhong 2004, p. 536.
60. Chaoju, Zhang (2019). 曹操3：铜雀春深 Volume 3 (ebook) (in Chinese). 百花洲文艺出版社. ISBN 9787550031944. Retrieved 10 January 2022.
61. Roberts 2004, p. 800. sfn error: no target: CITEREFRoberts2004 (help)
62. Roberts & Guanzhong 2004, p. 800.
63. 楊雅儒 (2017). "悲劇英雄？代罪羔羊？難纏對手？－論陳耀昌、平路、林克明形塑之「揆一」形象". Institute of Taiwan Literature Art College (in Chinese and English) (36). Tamkang Chinese Literature: 45. doi:10.6187/tkujcl.201706.36-9. Retrieved 15 January 2022.
64. Johnson, Rainie (June 2020). Enemy Officer Defeated: The Dynasty Warriors Series within the Spheres of Three Kingdoms and Videogames (Master of Arts). Virginia Commonwealth University. p. 28. doi:10.13140/RG.2.2.25414.09281. Retrieved 18 January 2022. ....Those who are not beautified, are typically deformed to become inhuman muscle men, as in the case of Dian Wei 典韋 (d. 197 CE) or disguised caricatures like Pang Tong 龐統 (179–214 CE) and Wei Yan 魏延 (d. 234 CE).....

Primary & secondary sources

• Chen Shou (1977) [429]. Pei Songzhi (ed.). Annotated Records of the Three Kingdoms 三國志注. Taipei: Dingwen Printing. (Sanguozhi).
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• de Crespigny, Rafe (2003). The Three Kingdoms and Western Jin: A History of China in the Third Century AD (internet ed.). Archived from the original on 2016-03-04. Retrieved 2013-02-07.
• de Crespigny, Rafe (2004). To Establish Peace: Being the Chronicle of the Later Han Dynasty for the Years 189 to 220 AD as Recorded in Chapters 59 to 69 of the Zizhi Tongjian of Sima Guang. Vol. 1 (internet ed.). Canberra: Australian National University.
• de Crespigny, Rafe (2004). To Establish Peace: Being the Chronicle of the Later Han Dynasty for the Years 189 to 220 AD as Recorded in Chapters 59 to 69 of the Zizhi Tongjian of Sima Guang. Vol. 2 (internet ed.). Canberra: Australian National University.
• de Crespigny, Rafe (2007). A Biographical Dictionary of Later Han to the Three Kingdoms (23-220 AD). Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-15605-0.
• Shi, Li (2020). History of Three Kingdoms 二十四史三国志. Retrieved 17 January 2022.
• Sima, Guang (1084). "9.-68. Han Dynasty". Zizhi Tongjian: records of Han Dynasty.
• Wang, Wen-chin (2011). "How do Yu Huan Construction's the Three Kingdoms history image in his book Weilüe". Studies in Sinology (in English and Chinese). 33 (autumn). Taipei: Department of Chinese Language and Literature, NTNU: 33. Retrieved 15 January 2022.
• Zhu, Ziyan (2010), 魏延的千古奇冤 [Injustice to Wei Yan] (in Chinese), Shanghai: 文汇读书周报 [Weekly Academic Readings]