User talk:Mellk

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That user...

Thank you for your thanks... It is unfortunate how some people, instead of learning how to conform to policy, double down on their objectionable behavior because somehow they believe that in the digital world they are anonymous and can do whatever they want. Good eye on the SPI, and it seems so clear that a CU probably isn't even necessary. Maybe I'm foolish, but I'm hoping that just one more escalated block of say a week will get them to realize that policies do apply to them. And then come back and contribute in accordance with policy. There is some positive contribution history, but that doesn't mean we turn a blind eye to disruption either. Otherwise it might just turn into a SPA that needs to go away indef, but I am holding out some hope! TiggerJay (talk) 05:24, 7 January 2025 (UTC)[reply]

Unfortunately with certain editors no amount of blocks will improve their behavior. I am not sure about this editor in particular but it is not a good sign if already they are edit warring, making repeated personal attacks and now socking to evade a simple 72-hour block. If they do end up getting indeffed, then of course there is the standard offer if they truly want to commit. Mellk (talk) 08:21, 7 January 2025 (UTC)[reply]

I have sent you a note about a page you started

Hi Mellk. Thank you for your work on Naprasnawka. Another editor, SunDawn, has reviewed it as part of new pages patrol and left the following comment:

Thank you for creating the article. Have a wonderfully blessed day today!

To reply, leave a comment here and begin it with {{Re|SunDawn}}. (Message delivered via the Page Curation tool, on behalf of the reviewer.)

✠ SunDawn ✠ (contact) 01:25, 15 January 2025 (UTC)[reply]

Feedback request: History and geography request for comment

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Feedback request: Politics, government, and law request for comment

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Below is a more balanced, comprehensive, in-depth summary of poverty and pressing problems of Galicia I found

It gets to the point and didn't read like a series of words put together or even being inconsistent like the wiki article on this topic (sorry no offense), helpful to understand the situations of Galicia a little better. But as some others had pointed out in the talk page, it's still better to read Alison Fleig Frank, David F. Good, Keely Stauter-Halsted, Larry Wolff and also Andrew Zalewski's Galician Trails: The Forgotten Story of One Family if one really wants to get a full picture about Galicia through "richly illustrated pages" of those authors.

"The poverty of the Galicia as a region was both consistent and endemic throughout the nineteenth century. The minimum taxable yearly income was 1200 Crowns a year and only .78% of Galicians met this criteria in the 1890s. Per capita income for the region in the early twentieth century was between 310-16 Crowns. In contrast, 7.29% of Cisleithanian Austria met the minimum tax requirements and its per capita income level averaged around 700 Crowns. Famines in this region were quite common and the region was sometimes known as Golicja i Głodomeria (Galicia the Hungry/Naked Lands). Although Galicia had relatively abundant natural resources, the consistent levels of poverty puzzled contemporaries. There was no single cause for this level of poverty, but rather a unique constellation of factors that worked in conjunction with each other to turn Galicia into one of the underdeveloped regions of the Empire.

One of the most salient reasons for the underdevelopment and lack of economic integration of Galicia was geography. The Carpathian Mountains and Galicia's waterways meant that the Galicia lacked easy trade connections with either Austria or Hungary. Galicia's traditional trading partners were the Polish regions of Russia and protectionist trade policies of both empires. Galicia's status as a frontier zone meant that state development of infrastructure often met military needs, not economic ones. Conscription added a demographic pressure as the army took in the region's most productive males for a significant part of the year. This was important given Austria-Hungary's fit into the wider pattern of relatively late industrial development where state investment provided important capital and direction for economic growth, or lack thereof. Galicia exemplifies the East-West economic split of the Austro-Hungarian economy with a relatively prosperous western half and chronic under-development of the east. The fact that Galicia contributed so little tax revenue to Vienna's coffers reenforced the state's reluctance to invest in the region. What little investment the state put into the region far exceeded what it received in return.

However, the causes of Galician poverty were not just geographic in nature. The local political conditions and how they fit within the wider ethnic politics of the empire contributed greatly to the region's flagging economy. Galicia's ethnic composition was a mix between Poles and Ukrainian/Ruthenes (the distinction between Ruthenes and Ukrainian is a confusing one and worth a question in itself) with Jews as an important minority. The Polish nobility was at the apex of the Galician economy, controlling a majority of the forests and profitable estates. At mid-century, the region's nobility controlled some 90% of the forest land and 40% of the arable soil. As the nineteenth century progressed, these magnates branched out into alcohol and other economic enterprises that favored short-term returns. The Habsburgs kept their distance from the Poles of Galicia, granting them relative autonomy but were leery of replicating the experience of Hungary wherein the an ethnically-defined nobility could extract concessions from the Habsburgs. Therefore, Polish economic preeminence did not have much corresponding political connections to Vienna. The Polish nobility had little incentive to improve the land as they were far richer than the peasantry, nor the channels to the state to facilitate investment if they were inclined to develop the region. The result was there was there was a land squeeze as the peasantry had to work increasingly marginal tracts of land and enjoyed little access to local and political power. Therefore, it should come as no surprise that when the Polish nobility tried to raise the peasantry against the Habsburgs in 1848, the peasantry actually attacked and in some famous instances decapitated the nobles.

The polyglot nature of the Galicia also meant that foreign investment found it difficult to establish a foothold. The ethnic tensions between Poles and the Ukrainian/Ruthenes meant that Galicians were very skeptical of outside investors. The language difficulties compounded this problem and Vienna was unwilling to sort this out. The state's policy of relative autonomy also meant that it delegated responsibility for local affairs to the nobility and the latter were disinclined to develop infrastructure for schools and other educational outlets beyond the major cities. The literacy rate for Galicia was well below the averages for the rest of the Empire and

The one bright spot in the nineteenth-century Galician economy was the petroleum sector. Galicia had a relatively abundant source of oil and development of this industry allowed Austria-Hungary to convert from coal to petroleum as an energy source earlier than its neighbors. Yet many of the problems laid out above meant that oil wealth did not trickle down into the region. The state allowed various wildcat independent prospector which hindered the development of the oil industry in two significant ways. Firstly, the need for quick profits by these new oil concerns damaged the future ability to access the oil fields; haphazard drilling and pumping meant that it was much harder to reach deeper oil deposits. This put a ceiling on the development of this industry. Second, the oil industry in the nineteenth century was a notorious polluter and the Galician oil and refining concerns were no exception. The resulting pollution degraded the surrounding land and made it much harder for the non-petroleum industry to adapt to the twentieth century economy. the net result of these factors was that Galicia became an economic backwater and peripheral component of the Empire's economy so vividly portrayed in the historical novels of Joseph Roth. There was a sense among intellectuals that the region could prosper if the Empire were to break up, but the structural problems of the region continued after the collapse of the Habsburg state in 1918."

Sources Frank, Alison Fleig. Oil Empire: Visions of Prosperity in Austrian Galicia. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 2005.

Good, David F. The Economic Rise of the Habsburg Empire, 1750-1914. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984.

Stauter-Halsted, Keely. The Nation in the Village: The Genesis of Peasant National Identity in Austrian Poland, 1848-1914. Ithaca [N.Y.]: Cornell University Press, 2001.

Wolff, Larry. The Idea of Galicia: History and Fantasy in Habsburg Political Culture. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 2010. 2604:3D09:D07D:6250:B4E5:1F2E:CD61:E8A4 (talk) 09:46, 24 January 2025 (UTC)[reply]