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Pietru Caxaro
 Pietru Caxaro or Caxaru (Maltese pronunciation: [ˈpɪːtrʊ kɐˈʃɐːrɔ, -rʊ]; c. 1400 – August 1485), also known in English as Peter Caxaro, was a Maltese philosopher and poet. He is so far Malta's first known philosopher, fragments of whose works are extant.[citation needed] His philosophical views and positions qualify him as an honourable adherent of the mediaeval humanist movement. His contribution skilfully stands as a mature reflection of the social and cultural revival of his time.[citation needed] Caxaro's cultural preparation and his humanistic character, together with his philosophy, entirely reflect the peculiar force, functions and needs of a Mediterranean people whose golden age had still to come, but whose mental constitution and mode of expression were readily set. The discovery of the man and his philosophy is immeasurably relevant to further recognition of the wise tenure of an ancient civilization.[citation needed] No portrait of Caxaro is known to exist.[citation needed]  Life
Early lifeCaxaro was born of a noble Mdina family in Malta.[1] The date of his birth is unknown, and it is doubtful that it had ever been recorded at all. He was likely born around the beginning of the 15th century.[citation needed] His father's name was Leo, and his mother's was Zuna. It may have been that the family was of Jewish descent and was forced to convert to Christianity. It is known that one of Caxaro's brothers, Nicholas, was killed in 1473 following a brawl with people from Siġġiewi, Malta, because of a girl he was secretly seeing.[citation needed] Studies and officesCaxaro's first studies were undertaken in Malta. Later, he went to Palermo, Sicily, to pursue them further. At the time, Palermo was a flourishing city imbued with the spirit of Renaissance humanism. There, Caxaro completed his studies and became a notary in 1438. A couple of months after his graduation, he was appointed judge at the courts of Gozo for the years 1440-1441. In 1441, he also sat as judge in the courts of Malta, and the similarly in 1475. He was judge at the civil courts in 1460–1461, 1470–1471 and 1481–1482, and judge at the ecclesiastical courts in 1473 and 1480–1481.[citation needed] Caxaro was also jurat at the Town Council of Mdina in 1452-1453, 1458–1459, 1461–1462, 1469–1470, 1474–1475 and 1482-1483. He was a notary or secretary to the same council in 1460 and 1468.[citation needed] He possessed considerable property at the northern side of Malta, and was the owner of six slaves.[citation needed] Friendship with DominicansDuring all this time, Caxaro was on very good terms with the Dominican friars. These had a monastery at Rabat, Malta, very close to Mdina, Caxaro's home-town and centre of operation. The Dominicans had originally arrived in Malta around 1450, and quickly forged good friendships amongst the literary population and professional people, including academics. Towards the end of the 15th century, the Dominicans could boast of erudite friars amongst their fold, such as Peter Xara, Peter Zurki, Dominic Bartolo (who was also Pro-Inquisitor for some cases of the Inquisition in Malta) and Bartolomeus Pace.[citation needed] Caxaro was certainly a good friend of some of these men, both for intellectual as well as personal reasons. The fact that he designated the Dominicans as his general inheritors, or residuary legatees, in his will is proof enough of this.[citation needed] Marriage attemptAround 1463, Caxaro aspired to marrying a widow, Franca de Biglera. However, her brother, a Canon at the bishop's cathedral chapter, objected on the grounds of “spiritual affinity”, since Caxaro's father was a godfather to Franca.[citation needed] Despite the fact that Caxaro did all he could to win Franca over, and also obtained the official blessing of the bishop of Malta, the marriage did not take place. To the great consternation of Caxaro, Franca changed her mind.[citation needed] Caxaro remained a bachelor to the end of his days.[citation needed] ExcommunicationAt the Town Council of Mdina Caxaro had three particular themes which he seemed to come to life about: the welfare and maintenance of his hometown Mdina, the education of the common people, and the accountability of civil servants. In 1480, Caxaro took an active and bold part in an issue which involved the bishop of Malta, who was suspected of corruption. Caxaro was vehement against such corruption, and vigorous in his demand for an immediate remedy. In June 1480, as an act of retaliation, the bishop excommunicated him, an action which was considered immensely serious in those days. Nevertheless, Caxaro was unyielding in his opposition and demands. Consequently, the bishop interdicted him. However, Caxaro was nonetheless undaunted. The issue lingered on until the first half of the following year, when the bishop had to accede to Caxaro's and the Town Council's demands. Accordingly, the excommunication and the interdict were removed. Caxaro's determination and resolve in the matter were highly praised. Death
On August 12, 1485, Caxaro drew up his will, and died a few days later. The precise date of his death is still not known with any certainty. All his possession went to the Dominican friars. It is not known where he was initially buried. However, later, as he had it willed, his remains were laid to rest in one of the newly built chapels of the church of St. Dominic at Rabat, Malta. The chapel had been actually constructed at Caxaro's expense, and dedicated to Our Lady of Divine Help. A memorial was unveiled within the same chapel over Caxaro's tomb on September 30, 1992. LegacyUnveiledPeter Caxaro was virtually unknown[2] until he was made famous in 1968 by the publication of his Cantilena by the Dominican Mikiel Fsadni and Godfrey Wettinger.[3] It was Fsadni who discovered the Cantilena on September 22, 1966, at the back of the third page from the last in the first of Reverend Brandan Caxaro's notarial registers (1533–1536), currently numbered R175, in the Notarial Archives, Valletta.[4] Caxaro's work was actually transcribed by Rev. Brandan himself in its original Maltese version. The discovery was encountered with enthusiasm within scholarship circles since it had eventually given Maltese literature its greatest boost for a very long time.[5] It had taken the authors about two years before they were able to present Caxaro's Cantilena to the general public.[6] The authenticity of Caxaro's work is undoubtable,[7] and so is Brandan's transcription. The discoverers themselves, both reliable historical researchers,[8] carefully examined the document and found that it could not reveal any suspicious feature.[9] It was next to impossible for the document to have been faked so well that no sign of its faking remained. Up till 1968, modern scholarly references to Peter Caxaro had been few. The first known to have referred to him was the Dominican Paul Galea in his history of the Dominicans at Rabat, Malta, published in 1949.[10] Further data was produced by Michael Fsadni O.P. in 1965, also attempting his hand at a similar history.[11] Both friars based their information on a common source; namely, on the Descrittione delli Tre Conventi che l’Ordine dei Predicatori tiene nell’Isola di Malta, I, 1, by Francesco Maria Azzopardo O.P., written about 1676.[12] Mention of Caxaro had also been made in a work preceding Azzopardo's by approximately three decades. This had been by Giovanni Francesco Abela's 1647 publication entitled (in short) Della Descrittione di Malta.[13] The manIntroducing his transcription of the composition, Rev. Brandan – a member of the Society of True Christians – indicated its author as a "philosopher, poet and orator".[14] On examination, it is positively held that Caxaro's original version was in the Maltese tongue, and that Rev. Brandan transcribed it as faithfully as possible as he recalled it.[15] The composition proves that Caxaro's qualification as a philosopher, poet and orator is fully justified since its construction is professionally accomplished.[16] He certainly was a man of learning. Lately, a few proposals have been made which held that the said composition, in part[17] or as a whole,[18] does not have Peter Caxaro as its author. It has been said that the poem is none other than Rev. Brandan's innocent transcription in Latin characters of a Megrebian or Andalusian qasida.[19] The proponent unscientifically based his suppositions, as he himself said, on an “extrasensorial impression”. Thus the author hastily concluded that the qualifications attributed to Caxaro by Rev. Brandan are spurious.[20] The truth, however, seems to be otherwise. Caxaro's competence as a poetic writer, apart from his philosophic and oratorical skills, is highly estimable. He seems to qualify[21] as a phonetic master, as well as one having control of classical rhetoric techniques. He has tact in expressing his veiled poetic thought in striking and tempting allusions. In other words, Caxaro is a forceful writer,[22] possessing clarity of thought, and is confident in handling of style.[23] The Cantilena is a piece of fine literature; the work of dextrous mastership.[24] It shows a very particular formal attention, and an uncommon capability of stylistic invention in its structure.[25] It must be noticed, however, that Giovanni Francesco Abela, in his Descrittione of 1647,[26] did not include Caxaro in his list of some forty-six Houmini di Malta per varie guise d’eccellenza celebri, e famosi,[27] of which not all are that illustrious. Abela could have mentioned Caxaro's philosophic, poetic or oratorical skills, if anything. This may suggest that Caxaro's aptitudes were somewhat concealed. The known sources of Caxaro's biographical data are few, namely four,[28] the State Archives of Palermo, Sicily (Protocollo del Regno, mainly vol. 34), the National Library of Malta (Universitas, 11), the Archives of the Dominicans, Rabat (Ms. 321, Giuliana Antica, I), and Della Descrittione di Malta Isola nel Mare Siciliano con le sue Antichità, ed altre Notitie of Giovanni Francesco Abela, printed by Paolo Bonecota, Malta, in 1647 (passim). The first known date regarding Caxaro is April 1, 1438, when he set for the examination to be given the warrant of public notary of Malta and Gozo by the competent authorities in Palermo, Sicily.[29] In those times, Malta and its dependencies formed part of the Kingdom of Aragon. This means that Caxaro had spent some time in Palermo, a city then imbued with humanism.[30] Next, we are informed of a series of appointments in Malta and Gozo between 1440 and 1483, a span of forty-three years. Alternatively or concurrently, at one time or another Caxaro acted as judge in the civil courts of Gozo[31] and of Malta,[32] and in the ecclesiastical cours.[33] He was further juror in Malta at the Mdina city-council,[34] to which he sometimes acted as secretary.[35] Finally, the Dominicans at Rabat, Malta preserve a substantial part of his will, drawn on August 12, 1485,[36] shortly before his death.[37] No wife or offspring are mentioned in the will. Caxaro had willed that he be buried in the Dominican newly built church at Rabat, as eventually happened.[38] in a chapel built at his own expense, dedicated to the Gloriosissima Vergine del Soccorso.[39] It is further known with certainty that Peter Caxaro was a native of Malta,[40] born of Maltese parents,[41] and lived at Mdina.[42] His date of birth is still unknown. His immobile property was considerable,[43] though not exuberant. It is known that he had in his service at least six slaves.[44] Apart from Caxaro's public offices and death, which is satisfactorily documented, two other personal episodes are known. The first, occurring either in 1463 or 1478,[45] concerns his proposed marriage to Francha di Biglera.[46] From the court proceedings we know that Caxaro's father had frequently visited Catalonia (specifically Barcelona and Valencia).[47] This may have some bearing on Peter's own formation. The second instance concerns the murder of Caxaro's brother, Cola, in 1473 at Siggiewi, Malta,[48] which may have given a not-so-good reputation to his family. The most recent significant addition to the personal data and profile of Peter Caxaro was made by Frans Sammut in 2009.[49] He suggested that Caxaro came from a Jewish family that had been converted to Christianity. In support of his claim he proposed that Caxaro's Cantilena was in fact a zajal, which in Arabic refers to a song which the Jews of Spain (and Sicily) adopted and promoted.[50] Extant fragmentsLittle of Caxaro's scholarship is known to exist. Much work has yet to be accomplished in this difficult field. We only possess isolated parts of his contributions, the most complete being the Cantilena, which, in itself, comes down to us through an imperfect, indirect source. That Brandan's transcript[51] of the Cantilena is faulty is evident from various internal traits. Furthermore, the reasons for which Brandan recalled the work, and even the manner in which he did so, is unto this day a baffling uncertainty. The cheerfulness felt by Brandan apparently seems to be doubly caused, namely by both the memory of the composition and the memory of his ancestor (with a necessary relationship of one to the other). Brandan's opening sentence of the short prologue seems to suggest that he was gladdened more by the relationship than by any of the related parts. Wettinger and Fsadni had suggested[52] that it was the consolation which Brandan saw in the content of the composition that prompted him to leave us a memory of it, writing it down in one of the registers of his acts. But this is a question which must still be open to discussion. The first to seriously suspect certain imperfections in Brandan's transcript was Joseph Brincat in 1986,[53] suspicious of the verses which do not have any rhyme. He specifically refers here to the four lines of the refrain (vv. 7-10) and the first four lines of the second stanza (vv. 11-14). Brincat, guided by his erudition as by common sense, concludes that the quatrain which stands on its own between the two stanzas, of six verses and ten verses each respectively, is erroneously transcribed by Brandan.[54] Brincat very aptly provides convincing internal evidence for the error.[55] Brincat's important conclusion was followed by other scholars,[56] and to which we also subscribe here.[clarification needed] Apart from the Cantilena, other fragments concerning Caxaro's contributions are extant, namely, a few judicial sentences passed by Caxaro at the ecclesiastical courts,[57] and secretarial minutes taken at the Mdina town-council meetings in which Caxaro took part.[58] Both are naturally extra-philosophical in nature. The sentences, however interesting they may be, only give us an inkling into the equilibrate soberness of Caxaro. Herein, we search in vain for any of Caxaro's own original thinking, apart from the arid judicial and official terminology. The same may be said of the municipal acts. Only here the information provided regards Caxaro's context in matters which interested his town (Mdina) particularly, and the Maltese Islands in general. Caxaro's name is mentioned at least in some 267 sittings of the council between 1447 and 1485. At most of these, he had a minor say;[59] at other times, his share is more substantial.[60] Some acts are also written in Caxaro's own hand.[61] The philosopherPhilosopher is the title attributed to Caxaro by Rev. Brandan.[62] In the rest of the Cantilena’s prologue, which is formally in accord with the general practice of the times,[63] the poetic rather than the philosophical or oratorical excellences of Caxaro are emphasized.[64] These are left in the shadow, even by modern scholars. It has been naively ventured[65] that the appellative philosopher is to be understood merely in the sense of a man of wisdom or learning (“bniedem gharef”, literally indicating a sophist rather than a philosopher). However, being a trustworthy notary in possession of a precise vocabulary (to which the rest of the prologue, at least, is witness), Rev. Brandan is to be understood in a strict sense. The hope of the discovery of corroborative material in this regard must remain enkindled.[citation needed] HumanismIt seems to be opportune at this point to highlight two instances from Caxaro's acquaintances, namely, his father's contact with Barcelona and Valencia, and Caxaro's own connection with Palermo. Humanist CataloniaCatalonia, together with Aragon, became familiar with humanism before Castille.[66] The first contact of the Catalan scholars with the movement was at its first appearance at the Pontifical court of Avignon, where Petrarch sojourned, and at the Council of Constance (1414–1418), Basel (1431) and Florence (1438–1455), as at the Neapolitan court of Alphonse V of Aragon, so-called El Magnanimo (died 1458).[citation needed] The Catalan movement was initiated by Juan Fernandez' efforts in the 14th century. Fernandez travelled to the East and returned with many Greek manuscripts. He later established himself as a translator, compiler and commentator of classical texts, therefore giving rise to a literary culture concerned with human interests.[citation needed] Fernandez was followed by other men of standing, such as Pedro de Saplana, a Dominican (14th century), Antonio Canals, Bernat Metge (c.1340-1413), Carlos de Aragon (1421–1461), nephew of King Alphonse V, and Bachiller Alfonso de la Torre (15th century). These men of letters concentrated on the works of Aristotle, Boethius, Petrarch, Boccaccio, Marcianus Capella, Pedro Campostella, and the like. They were additionally highly instrumental in animating the cultural centres of Barcelona and Valencia with the spirit of humanism.[citation needed] Caxaro's father, in the course of his constant voyaging between Catalonia, Sicily and Malta, like so many other tradesmen of his time, came in contact with the then prevailing environment of Spain's Mediterranean city-harbours. Here, as elsewhere, humanism was not restricted to mere cultural circles, but had become the philosophy of the people. Caxaro, apart from his father, had other members of his family, together with many of his townfolk,[67] taking part in this same commerce of goods and ideas.[citation needed] Humanist PalermoKing Alphonse the Magnanimous of Aragon, asserting his seat at Naples, and set in giving additional splendour to the reign of Aragon, was successful in changing the Neapolitan court in one of Renaissance's most brilliant great centres.[68] Naples and its favoured twin Palermo were visited by the most eminent of humanists from all over the Italian peninsula, Catalonia, Castile and Aragon. From the first half of the 15th century onwards, Palermo went through an enormous and impressive economic, demographic and urbanistic development,[69] manifesting a substantial cultural facelift. Though the times were rather difficult due to the frequent incursions of the Turks, and the disastrous effect of epidemics and other diseases,[70] the enthusiasts of the humanæ litteræ were great in number. Up to Caxaro's visit to Palermo many native men familiar with the studia humanitatis[71] made a name for themselves and for their town, scholars like Giovanni Aurispa and Giovanni Marrasio. As in the case of Catalonia, the spirit of humanism was imported to Sicily from Northern Italy where large numbers of Palemitans went to study.[72] Prior to 1445, when the Studio di Catania was established,[73] it was Palermo which attracted the largest number of law students. These were centres where the classical texts were circulated mainly in manuscript form.[74] In those days, the large number of intellectuals and law students considered the juridical culture as instrumental in acquiring a worthy social standing.[75] The professional state, especially the juridical, became an integral part of the refreshed milieu of the times at Palermo. Moreover, while the use of the vulgar tongues became established as a practised norm,[76] the so-called cultura del decoro of the humanists became, more than restricted to cultural circles, a quality of life.[77] Slowly it became the diffused, general mentality of the educated Palermitans.[78] During his visit to Palermo the young Caxaro himself must have been extremely impressed by the evident restoration and construction of Palermo's edifices, both within and without the walls, according to the tastes of the time. The whole city was caught in a rediscovered renovation, manifesting a strong concern for the quality of life. The prevailing humanism brought to the fore a movement of the spirit, each time aesthetic, philosophic, scientific and religious,[79] sharpening the notion of beauty, and brightening the relationship to nature (and naturalism). Caxaro's sojourn at Palermo in 1438 must have recalled to him King Alphonse's stop in Malta, amidst great pomp and exultation, five years earlier.[80] The Magnanimous, personifying the spirit of the time, entered Mdina, Caxaro's town-fortress, “con quelle magiori dimostrationi di giubilo, & applauso, che potevan originarsi da affetto sincero di devoti, e riverenti Vassalli verso il loro Signore”.[81] The spirit of medieval humanismIn order to comprehend better Caxaro's philosophy we cannot do less than grasp the spirit of humanism in his age. The heart of the Mediaeval humanists, as distinct from that of the 14th century Mediaeval masters, and from the exponents of the 16th century Renaissance, was the retrieval and imitation of the beauty of ancient letters. This had nothing of any anti-Christian sentiment but definitely emphasized naturalism enormously. The imitation of the customs of pagan antiquity came later.[82] The beginning of humanism coincided with a number of other occurrences.[83] In the first place, the Great Schism, a critical moment in the Catholic Church which weakened the papacy. Next, a marked ignorance of the clergy and a relaxation of discipline. Thirdly, the corruption of the customs of the high classes. And finally, the decadence of Scholasticism. The forerunners of humanism imprinted their views with surprising power. The works of Brunetto Latini (1230–1291), Dante Alighieri (1265–1321), Francesco Petrarca (1304–1374) and Giovanni Boccaccio (1313–1375) became the daily bread of the humanists. All of these extensively admired classical antiquity, idealising its splendour and richness, and dreaming of an ideal society equivalent to that apparently gorgeous achievement. Ironically (maybe), it was the melancholic and pessimistic cleric Petrarca who exerted the greatest influence on the humanists,[84] advocating, like Socrates, the true wisdom in the knowledge of self, and true humility as the path to the secrets of life. His adherence to Plato and his fierce attacks on Scholasticism deeply impressed his posteriors. It was Petrarca, eventually, who supplied the humanist movement with its battle-cries: Rinascere! Rifiorire! Rivivere! Ritrovare! ― stressing the ri more than anything else. The humanist rebirth was felt in the whole of Western Europe, especially in the Italian peninsula, France, England, the Netherlands, Germany and Spain.[85] Being the cultural climax of all that has been done in the Middle Ages, the humanist wave of erudition superbly retrieved the Latin, Greek and Christian classical literature, with its proper techniques, methods, forms and tastes.[86] It developed sciences, such as philology, palaeography, epigraphy, archaeology, numismatics, textual criticism and literary criticism, geography and history. It also gave rise to the printing press, the libraries, to new universities, paternities and literary associations, such as the renowned Academic Platonica of Marsilio Ficino (1433–1499). In other words, a true renaissance with its proper philosophy which recognises the value and dignity of man and makes him, as Protagoras would have it, the “measure of all things”, somehow taking human nature, its limits and delimits, together with its interests, as it main theme.[87] The CantilenaThe textual analyses[88] of the Cantilena, employed during these last twenty-five years,[89] have given ample food for thought. In general, the comments regarded the embarrassing inconsistencies which exist in the extant copy of the Cantilena. The literary value of Caxaro's work, and its standing in the Maltese literary tradition, has likewise been embellished from the historical literary analyses’ point of view.[90] The general lines of this discussion, however, had already been quite satisfactorily described by Wettinger and Fsadni in 1968. More interesting comments had been advanced from the perspective of literary criticism.[91] However, much work has to be done in this field, especially by scholars with professional standing on mediaeval Arabic, Spanish and Sicilian idioms, dialects and poetic forms. Due to the Cantilena’s uniqueness interesting results have been put forward by historical linguistics,[92] emphasising the drastic changes in the Maltese language over a span of four centuries. What interests us here, however, is not the Cantilena’s literary value as much as its philosophical content. Before proceeding further, it would be opportune to give the transliteration of the Cantilena:[93]
Paraphrased in English:[95][96]
Idiosyncratic analysisAt its appearance in 1968 the Cantilena had been declared to be not readily understandable by today’s generation.[97] The publishers themselves found it “terribly difficult and absolutely daunting”.[98] The interpreter, it had been said,[99] had to be a philologist, a Maltese, one in possession of Arabic, familiar with the history of Malta, and well informed on the author of the composition. It must be admitted that a foreigner, even if expert in this field of study, but unfamiliar to a Maltese way of thinking, will find the text difficult and obscure.[100] The main idea of the text, the so-called “physical interpretation”,[101] is simple enough. An uncontrollable person had been responsible for the collapse of a building which the author considered to be his.[102] In other words, he had misjudged the situation. The theme seems to follow a definite scheme, namely, an apparently simple one:[103] an invocation (vv. 1-2), the narration of an unhappy love event and the lyric I's situation thereby (vv. 3-6), its delusion (vv. 7-10, 11-14), and finally its attempt to reverse the misfortune (vv. 15-20). It is a scheme which in its content resembles the general classical Semitic (specifically Arabic) qasida pattern.[104] A point of curiosity might be interesting here. As from the beginning of 1450,[105] the Mdina town-council had been discussing the precarious state of the town walls (the mirammerii) of Mdina. In March of that same year,[106] the Augustinian Matteo di Malta had been commissioned as the town-council's ambassador to lead the talks with the viceroy on the question so as to provide funds for their urgent restoration. Little, if any, progress seems to have been made on the matter, until at the beginning of 1454[107] an internal tower of the castle at mdina collapsed. So as to take immediate action and prevent further immanent collapse of the walls, at the town-council sitting of January 11[108] Peter Caxaro, acting as secretary, spoke in favour of an urgent collecta (which was later effected), with the approval of the whole house. Furthermore, on May 24,[109] Nicholas Caxaro, Peter's brother, had been appointed by the council as supramarammerius to supervise the restoration of the walls. On that occasion, Peter Caxaro had highly praised the decision taken. Strictly by way of speculation, it seems interesting to associate the Cantilena’s mirammiti to Mdina’s marammerii (being the same term). What is said in the Cantilena’s refrain might be identified to the disastrous collapse of part of Mdina's walls in 1454. The Cantilena might have been inspired from that serious occasion, which was the effect of a general negligence. Supposing that the Cantilena had been sung to some of those noblemen at the town-council who were collaborators of Caxaro (as is possible), such speculation might hold some water. Apart from the immediate and superficial message, we obviously have a more profound and veiled communication. The overall drift of this so-called “metaphysical interpretation”,[110] has been seen to be the ruin of the author's project, either concerning his career or a love affair.[111] The general melancholic tone of the composition did not pass unnoticed,[112] though it had been recognised that the final note sounded the victory of hope over desperation; the building anew over the ruins of unfulfilled dreams or ambitions.[113] In 1977 Wettinger categorically denied that the murder of Caxaro's brother had any relevance to the theme of the Cantilena.[114] On the other hand, he proposed that it may have to do with Caxaro's marriage proposal which apparently went up in smoke.[115] The suggestion had been confirmed jointly by Wettinger and Fsadni in 1983.[116] Though presumably well calculated, it would seem that the comments put forward so far reveal little depth, hinging on to a restricted inspection of the matter. This may have somewhat betrayed Caxaro's philosophic prowess.[117] Some have audaciously stated that the composition has no depth of feeling at all.[118] Others have indeed valued its content highly,[119] wisely noting that the subject is entirely profane (as opposed to the sacred), and moreover sheds light on the concrete versus abstract thinking of the populace (a feature common amongst Mediterranean peoples unto this day); reality against illusion.[120] What mostly concerns us here is Caxaro's idiosyncrasy in order to comprehend the entire complexity of his thought as it appears synthetically in the text. His cognitive peculiarities as well as his cultural shared-interests jointly constitute his marked philosophical views and positions.[citation needed] See alsoReferences
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