Despite many criticising Erdoğan due to the perception of him being an Islamist, most Islamists criticise Erdoğan and his rule, as well as Erdoğanists due to them being an extreme cult of personality.[3] The Felicity Party is among the fiercest Anti-Erdoganist parties in Turkey, which claims that Erdoğan is only an opportunist who uses religious rhetoric to maintain popular support.[4][5]
Critics of Erdoğanism accuse it of being a fascist ideology, especially after 2015.[7] The accusations of fascism increased throughout the years.[8]
Although Erdoğan had initially helped the Kurds in Turkey,[9] he began to lose more and more Kurdish support starting in 2015 because of his alliance with the MHP. Erdoğan often baselessly accuses Kurds who criticise his policies of being PKK supporters, which further disillusions the ones who do not support the PKK.[10] Even conservative Kurds, of whom many were once staunch Erdoğan supporters, had ceased their support due to his increasing nationalism.[11] During the 2023 elections, when Erdoğan pushed a very strong nationalist rhetoric, the majority of Kurds did not vote for him, and many conservative Kurds were repulsed by his nationalism to the point they viewed the opposition as a better alternative.[12][13] Many Kurds denied that Erdoğan was an Islamist, and claimed that he was a mere "Green Kemalist".[14]
The Islamic State rebuffs Erdoğan as a "taghut", and his supporters as "kuffar". In the 4th edition of Rumiyah, the Islamic State called on people to "ask Allah for help and attack Turkey" and to "stab those who support the AKP".[21][22]
Alparslan Kuytul, a Salafi cleric, is a staunch critic of Erdoğan. Kuytul advocated for a Sharia system and also believed that Erdoğan is a taghut. Kuytul refers to the AKP as ZKP (Oppressive Development Party).[23]
^"The Blackballers' Club". The Economist. December 16–22, 2006. pp. 10–11. Archived from the originalon February 24, 2021.
^Skutnabb-Kangas, Tove; Fernandes, Desmond (2008). "Kurds in Turkey and in (Iraqi) Kurdistan: A Comparison of Kurdish Educational Language Policy in Two Situations of Occupation". Genocide Studies and Prevention. 3 (1): 45–46. doi:10.3138/gsp.3.1.43.
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