After his graduation, he took up the management of his father's large estate in Westchester County, New York, and also studied law in Albany. Poor eyesight soon compelled him to give up the legal profession. He early became interested in various philanthropic enterprises and reforms and identified himself especially with the temperance, antislavery, and antiwar movements. He was one of the founders (in 1816) of the American Bible Society, which he defended against the vigorous attacks of the High Church party, led by Bishop John H. Hobart. He was Judge of Common Pleas in New York from 1818 to 1820, and was first judge of Westchester County from 1820 to 1842, when he was removed on account of his anti-slavery views.[6]
From 1835 to 1837, he was the society's corresponding foreign secretary. In 1840, however, when the society began to advocate measures which he deemed too radical, he withdrew his membership, but with his pen he continued his labor on behalf of the slave, urging emancipation in the District of Columbia and the exclusion of slavery from the territories, though deprecating any attempt to interfere with slavery in the states.[8] He vociferously attacked the U.S. federal government for what he perceived to be favoritism toward slavery interests, writing in 1844:[9]
RECAPITULATION OF THE ACTION OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT IN BEHALF OF SLAVERY.
This action we have found exhibited (omitting constitutional provisions) in
Its effort to degrade the free people of color by excluding them from the militia; prohibiting them from driving a mail waggon—denying naturalization to foreigners of their complexion—subjecting them to odious disqualifications and restrictions in the City of Washington; and above all in permitting them without trial, at the discretion of the marshal, to be sold as slaves to pay their JAIL FEES.
In its tolerance of slavery in territories under its exclusive jurisdiction.
In its arbitrary, unconstitutional, and wicked laws for the arrest of fugitive slaves.
In its negotiation with Great Britain and Mexico for the surrender of fugitive slaves.
In its invasion of Florida, in pursuit of fugitive slaves.
In its negotiations with Great Britain, for compensation for slaves who had taken refuge on board British ships of war.
In its negotiation with Great Britain, for compensation for slaves, ship-wrecked in the West Indies.
In its tolerance, protection, and regulation of the American slave trade.
In its duplicity, with regard to the abolition of the African slave trade.
In its efforts to prevent the abolition of slavery in Cuba.
In its conduct towards Hayti.
In its conduct towards Texas.
In its attempt to establish a censorship of the press.
In its invasion of the right of petition, and the freedom of debate.
Such has been the action in behalf of human bondage, of a Government which, in the language of the Constitution, was formed to establish JUSTICE, and secure the blessings of LIBERTY.
He was also a proponent of antiwar theories and was for many years president of the Peace Society. His pamphlet War and Peace: the Evils of the First with a Plan for Securing the Last, advocating international arbitration, was published by the English Peace Society in 1842, and is said to have contributed to the promulgation, by the powers signing the Treaty of Paris in 1856, of a protocol expressing the wish that nations, before resorting to arms, should have recourse to the good offices of a friendly power.[6]
Personal life
In 1812, Jay was married to Augusta McVickar (1790–1857), the daughter of John McVickar, Esq. of New York.[10] Together, William and Augusta were the parents of eight children, all but two who survived to adulthood. Their children included:[11][1]
According to Frederick Douglass, Jay "was our wise counsellor, our fine friend, and our liberal benefactor." Lewis Tappan described him as "one of the most talented and useful abolitionists in this country, who, by his pen and active labours, has performed a greater service to the cause than perhaps any other man".[14]