In 1999 (in the first devolved Welsh Assembly election), Plaid Cymru gained considerable ground in traditionally Labour heartlands.[38] These breakthroughs were part of the intentional aim to win more seats in the Welsh valleys and North East Wales, which continues to be an ambition today.[39] The party have mostly been in opposition in the Senedd. Although under the leadership of Ieuan Wyn Jones, the party was part of a coalition as a junior partner with Welsh Labour (See: One Wales, Morgan and Jones governments) between 2007 and 2011.[40] Wyn Jones became the deputy First Minister and Minister for the Economy and Transport, other Plaid Cymru Assembly members were also part of the cabinets.
After losses in the 2011 Assembly elections and dropping down to being the third largest party, Wyn Jones stepped down. He was succeeded by Leanne Wood.[41] In the 2016 Assembly elections Wood managed to win her constituency seat of Rhondda meaning the party gained one seat, and became the official opposition once again, although only for a brief period.[42] In 2018 following internal pressure and a leadership contest, Adam Price defeated Wood and was elected the new leader. Following the 2021 Senedd election Plaid formed a co-operation agreement with the Welsh Labour government.[43] In May 2023 Price resigned as leader following the publication of a report which detailed failings by the party to prevent sexual harassment and bullying. [44] In June 2023 Rhun ap Iorwerth was elected unopposed as leader.[45] The party won the second most seats in Wales in the 2024 general election and won both its target seats. [46]
Aims
In September 2008, a senior Plaid assembly member spelled out her party's continuing support for an independent Wales. The then Welsh Minister for Rural Affairs, Elin Jones, told delegates at Plaid's annual conference in Aberystwyth that the party would continue its commitment to independence under the coalition with Welsh Labour.[47]
In 2014, the party's constitution included the following aims:
Securing Welsh independence in Europe
Economic prosperity, social justice and a healthy natural environment with decentralist socialism
A national community with equal citizenship and respect for diversity
Develop a bilingual society
Promote Wales to the world and achieve United Nations membership[48]
While Wales remains part of the United Kingdom, Plaid Cymru want to see further powers devolved from the UK Government to Wales, including: broadcasting and communication powers, devolution of the Crown Estate, welfare and rail.[49][43][50][51]
The party also favours lowering the voting age to 16 years old.[56] The voting age has already been lowered to include 16- and 17-year-olds for both Senedd elections[57] and local elections in Wales since 2020,[58] but not for UK general elections or police and crime commissioner elections: 18 is the minimum voting age for both of these.[58]
Plaid Cymru supports making social care "free at the point of need".[59][60][61]
While both the Labour and Liberal parties of the early 20th century had accommodated demands for Welsh home rule, no political party existed for the purpose of establishing a Welsh government. Plaid Genedlaethol Cymru (Welsh for 'the National Party of Wales') was formed on 5 August 1925, by Moses Gruffydd, H. R. Jones and Lewis Valentine, members of Byddin Ymreolwyr Cymru (Welsh for 'the Home Rule Army of Wales'; lit.'the Self-Rulers' Army of Wales'); and Fred Jones, Saunders Lewis of Y Mudiad Cymreig (Welsh for 'the Welsh Movement') and D. Edmund Williams.[63] Initially, home rule for Wales was not an explicit aim of the new movement; keeping Wales Welsh-speaking took primacy, with the aim of making Welsh the only official language of Wales.[64]
In the 1929 general election, the party contested its first parliamentary constituency, Caernarvonshire, polling 609 votes, or 1.6% of the vote for that seat. The party contested few such elections in its early years, partly due to its ambivalence towards Westminster politics. Indeed, the candidate Lewis Valentine, the party's first president, offered himself in Caernarvonshire on a platform of demonstrating Welsh people's rejection of English dominion.[65]
1930s
By 1932, the aims of self-government and Welsh representation at the League of Nations had been added to that of preserving Welsh language and culture. However, this move, and the party's early attempts to develop an economic critique, did not broaden its appeal beyond that of an intellectual and socially conservative Welsh language pressure group.[66] The alleged sympathy of the party's leading members (including President Saunders Lewis) towards Europe's totalitarian regimes compromised its early appeal further.[67]
Saunders Lewis, David John Williams and Lewis Valentine set fire to the newly constructed RAF Penyberth air base on the Llŷn Peninsula in Gwynedd in 1936, in protest at its siting in the Welsh-speaking heartland. The leaders' treatment, including the trial judge's dismissal of the use of Welsh and their subsequent imprisonment in Wormwood Scrubs, led to "The Three" becoming a cause célèbre. This heightened the profile of the party dramatically and its membership had doubled to nearly 2,000 by 1939.[64][68]
1940s
Penyberth, and Plaid Cymru's neutral stance during the Second World War, prompted concerns within the UK Government that it might be used by Germany to insert spies or carry out other covert operations.[69] In fact, the party adopted a neutral standpoint and urged (with only limited success) conscientious objection to war service.[70]
In 1943, Saunders Lewis contested the University of Wales parliamentary seat at a by-election, gaining 1,330 votes, or 22%. In the 1945 general election, with party membership at around 2,500, Plaid Cymru contested seven seats, as many as it had in the preceding 20 years, including constituencies in south Wales for the first time. At this time Gwynfor Evans was elected president.[71]
1950s
Gwynfor Evans's presidency coincided with the maturation of Plaid Cymru (as it now began to refer to itself) into a more recognisable political party. Its share of the vote increased from 0.7% in the 1951 general election to 3.1% in 1955 and 5.2% in 1959. In the 1959 election, the party contested a majority of Welsh seats for the first time. Proposals to flood the village of Capel Celyn in the Tryweryn valley in Gwynedd in 1957 to supply the city of Liverpool with water played a part in Plaid Cymru's growth. The fact that the parliamentary bill authorising the dam went through without support from any Welsh MPs showed that the MPs' votes in Westminster were not enough to prevent such bills from passing.[72]
1960s
Support for the party declined slightly in the early 1960s, particularly as support for the Liberal Party began to stabilise from its long-term decline. In 1962, Saunders Lewis gave a radio talk entitled Tynged yr Iaith (The fate of the language) in which he predicted the extinction of the Welsh language unless action was taken. This led to the formation of Cymdeithas yr Iaith Gymraeg (the Welsh Language Society) the same year.[73]
Labour's return to power in 1964 and the creation of the post of Secretary of State for Wales appeared to represent a continuation of the incremental evolution of a distinctive Welsh polity, following the Conservative government's appointment of a Minister of Welsh Affairs in the mid-1950s and the establishment of Cardiff as Wales' capital in 1955.[citation needed]
However, in 1966, less than four months after coming in third in the constituency of Carmarthen, Gwynfor Evans captured the seat from Labour at a by-election. This was followed by two further by-elections in Rhondda West in 1967 and Caerphilly in 1968 in which the party achieved massive swings of 30% and 40% respectively, coming within a whisker of victory. The results were caused partly by an anti-Labour backlash. Expectations in coal mining communities that the Wilson government would halt the long-term decline in their industry had been dashed by a significant downward revision of coal production estimates.[74] However, particularly in Carmarthen, Plaid also successfully depicted Labour's policies as a threat to the viability of small Welsh communities.[75]
1970s
In the 1970 general election, Plaid Cymru contested every seat in Wales for the first time and its vote share surged from 4.5% in 1966 to 11.5%. Gwynfor Evans lost Carmarthen to Labour, but regained the seat in October 1974, by which time the party had gained a further two MPs, representing the constituencies of Caernarfon and Merionethshire.[citation needed]
Plaid Cymru's emergence (along with the Scottish National Party) prompted the Wilson government to establish the Kilbrandon Commission on the constitution. The subsequent proposals for a Welsh Assembly were, however, heavily defeated in a referendum in 1979. Despite Plaid Cymru's ambivalence toward home rule (as opposed to outright independence) the referendum result led many in the party to question its direction.[65]
Plaid campaigned to leave the Common Market in the 1975 referendum,[76][77] feeling that the EC's regional aid policies would "reconcile places like Wales to their subordinate position".[78] Nevertheless, 65% of Welsh voters voted to remain in the EC during a 1975 referendum.[79] The EC was incorporated into the European Union (EU) in 1993.[80]
Caernarfon MP Dafydd Wigley succeeded Gwynfor Evans as president in 1981, inheriting a party whose morale was at an all-time low. In 1981 the party adopted a policy of "community socialism".[81] While the party embarked on a wide-ranging review of its priorities and goals, Gwynfor Evans fought a successful campaign (including the threat of a hunger strike) to oblige the Conservative government to fulfill its promise to establish S4C, a Welsh-language television station.[82] In 1984, Dafydd Elis-Thomas was elected president, defeating Dafydd Iwan, a move that saw the party shift to the left. Ieuan Wyn Jones (later Plaid Cymru leader) captured Ynys Môn from the Conservatives in 1987. In 1989 Dafydd Wigley once again assumed the presidency of the party.[citation needed]
In 1997, following the election of a Labour government committed to devolution for Wales, a further referendum was narrowly won, establishing the National Assembly for Wales. Plaid Cymru became the main opposition to the ruling Labour Party, with 17 seats to Labour's 28. In doing so, it appeared to have broken out of its rural Welsh-speaking heartland, and gained seats in traditionally strong Labour areas in industrial South Wales.[citation needed]
Ahead of the 1999 National Assembly for Wales election, Plaid Cymru dropped its policy of Welsh independence in favour of continued membership in the European Union. These changes in policy were made as it was believed that the electorate in Wales did not view independence as an important issue. It also adopted social democracy for its economic policy in an attempt to weaken Labour. These changes in policy have been used to explain the party's subsequent electoral success in Labour's traditional South East Wales heartlands.[83]
Assembly/Senedd era
First National Assembly (1999–2003)
In the 1999 election, Plaid Cymru gained seats in traditional Labour areas such as Rhondda, Islwyn and Llanelli, achieving by far its highest share of the vote in any Wales-wide election. While Plaid Cymru regarded itself as the natural beneficiary of devolution, others attributed its performance in large part to the travails of the Labour Party[who?], whose nomination for Assembly First Secretary, Ron Davies, was forced to stand down in an alleged sex scandal. The ensuing leadership battle, won by Alun Michael, did much to damage Labour, and thus aided Plaid Cymru, whose leader was the more popular and higher profile Dafydd Wigley. The Labour Party's UK national leadership was seen to interfere in the contest and deny the popular Rhodri Morgan victory.[84] Less than two months later, in elections to the European parliament, Labour support slumped further, and Plaid Cymru came within 2.5% of achieving the largest share of the vote in Wales. Under the new system of proportional representation, the party also gained two MEPs.[citation needed]
Plaid Cymru then developed political problems of its own. Dafydd Wigley resigned, citing health problems but amid rumours of a plot against him.[85] His successor, Ieuan Wyn Jones, struggled to impose his authority, particularly over controversial remarks made by a councillor, Seimon Glyn.[86] At the same time, Labour leader and First Minister Alun Michael was replaced by Rhodri Morgan.[citation needed]
The Assembly elections of May 2003 saw the party's representation drop from 17 to 12, with the seats gained in the 1999 election falling again to Labour and the party's share of the vote declining to 21%. Plaid Cymru narrowly remained the second-largest party in the National Assembly ahead of the Conservatives, Liberal Democrats and Forward Wales.[citation needed]
On 15 September 2003, folk-singer and county councillor Dafydd Iwan was elected as Plaid Cymru's president. Ieuan Wyn Jones, who had resigned from his dual role as president and Assembly group leader following the losses in the 2003 Assembly election, was re-elected in the latter role. Elfyn Llwyd remained the Plaid Cymru leader in the Westminster Parliament. Under Iwan's presidency the party formally adopted a policy of independence for Wales within Europe.[citation needed] Plaid Cymru had historically supported Welsh independence but dropped this policy ahead of the 1999 devolved election.[83]
The 2004 local election saw the party lose control of the two South Wales councils it gained in 1999, Rhondda Cynon Taff and Caerphilly, while retaining its stronghold of Gwynedd in the north-west. The results enabled the party to claim a greater number of ethnic minority councillors than all the other political parties in Wales combined,[87] along with gains in authorities such as Cardiff and Swansea, where Plaid Cymru representation had been minimal. In the European Parliament elections of the same year, the party's vote share fell to 17.4%, and the reduction in the number of Welsh MEPs saw its representation reduced to one.[citation needed]
In the general election of 5 May 2005, Plaid Cymru lost the Ceredigion seat to the Liberal Democrats; this result was a disappointment to Plaid, who had hoped to gain Ynys Môn. Overall therefore, Plaid Cymru's Parliamentary representation fell to three seats, the lowest number for the party since 1992. The party's share of the vote fell to 12.6%.[88]
Since Plaid Genedlaethol Cymru reformation to 'Plaid Cymru' in 1933, the logo representing the party was the green 'triban' (three peaks) which symbolically represented Plaid's three key goals; self-government, cultural prosperity and economic prosperity, 'anchored in the bedrock of Welsh identity and history that is the Welsh upland landscape',[89] the logo would change in the late stages of 20th century to include the red dragon of Wales, however this version was short-lived. In 2006, the party voted constitutional changes to formally designate the party's leader in the assembly as its overall leader, with Ieuan Wyn Jones being restored to the full leadership and Dafydd Iwan becoming head of the voluntary wing of the party.[90] The party unveiled a radical change of image in 2006. In that year, the party opted to use "Plaid" as the party's name, although "Plaid Cymru — the Party of Wales" would remain the official title. Plaid would abandon the triban (apart from the merchandise) and adopt the yellow Welsh poppy (Meconopsis cambrica).[91]
Third National Assembly (2007–2011)
In the National Assembly election of 3 May 2007, Plaid Cymru increased its number of seats from 12 to 15, regaining Llanelli, gaining one additional list seat and winning the newly created constituency of Aberconwy. The 2007 election also saw Plaid Cymru's Mohammad Asghar become the first ethnic minority candidate elected to the Welsh Assembly.[92] The party's share of the vote increased to 22.4%.[citation needed]
In the 2011 National Assembly election, Plaid slipped from second place to third, being overtaken by the Welsh Conservatives and losing its deputy leader Helen Mary Jones. The party held an inquiry into the election result.[94] The internal investigation led to the adoption of wide-ranging changes to its constitution, including a streamlining of the leadership structure.[95]
In May 2011, Ieuan Wyn Jones announced he would stand down as leader within the first half of the Assembly term.[96] A leadership election was held in which three candidates eventually stood: Elin Jones, Dafydd Elis-Thomas and Leanne Wood;[97]Simon Thomas withdrew his candidacy before ballots were cast.[98]
On 15 March 2012, Plaid Cymru elected Leanne Wood as its new leader. She received 55% of the vote, over second-placed Elin Jones with 41%.[99] Wood was the party's first female leader, and its first not to be a fluent Welsh speaker.[41][100] Soon after her election as leader, she appointed former MP Adam Price to head an economic commission for the party "focussed on bringing together tailor-made policies in order to transform our economy".[101][102] On 1 May 2012, it was confirmed Leanne Wood would not be taking the £23,000 pay increase that every other party leader in the Assembly receives.[103]
On 12 November 2012, Wood announced she would aim to abandon her relatively safe list seat by winning a constituency at the 2016 National Assembly elections;[104] she later confirmed she would contest the Rhondda.[105] Adam Price was subsequently selected as the party's candidate for Carmarthen East and Dinefwr.[106] Lindsay Whittle confirmed he would stand solely in Caerphilly.[107]
On 20 June 2013, former party leader Ieuan Wyn Jones stood down from the Assembly as the member for Ynys Môn.[108] Plaid Cymru's candidate Rhun ap Iorwerth was elected as the new Assembly Member for the constituency, receiving 12,601 votes (a 58% share) with a majority of 9,166 over the Labour candidate.[109]
Fifth National Assembly/Senedd (2016–2021)
At the 2016 Welsh Assembly elections, Plaid Cymru gained one seat, became the Assembly's second-largest party and briefly became the official opposition to the Welsh Government with 12 seats.[42] By January 2018 Plaid Cymru had been reduced to ten Assembly Members, following the resignation of Dafydd Elis-Thomas in 2016[110][111] and the permanent expulsion of Neil McEvoy from Plaid's Assembly group in 2018.[112]
Despite campaigning to leave in 1975,[77] Plaid campaigned for a Remain vote in the 2016 referendum on the UK's membership of the EU,[113] spending £27,495 on the campaign.[114] In the referendum Wales voted 52.5% in favour of Leave.[115] Immediately after the referendum, Leanne Wood stated that voters 'must be respected' and criticised calls for a second EU referendum.[116] Plaid Cymru later modified their policy to support a People's Vote.[117]
In the Brecon and Radnorshire by-election Plaid Cymru decided not to put up a candidate, but instead to support the Liberal Democrat candidate Jane Dodds in order to maximise the chance of an anti-Brexit candidate winning.[120]
In the run-up to the 2021 Senedd election, polling suggested that Welsh Labour would win the highest number of seats but fall short of an overall majority. Pollsters and commentators suggested that the most likely outcome would be another Labour–Plaid Cymru coalition,[123][124] an option First Minister Mark Drakeford said he would be open to.[125] Price insisted that his party would not be Labour's "junior partner",[126] nor would they work with the Conservatives under any circumstances.[127] He stated that Plaid would be willing to join forces with Labour, but only if the former were the largest party or if it were an equal partnership.[124] Price also said that he did not consider Welsh independence to be "a distraction or a constitutional abstraction", but rather "a practical necessity".[128]
At the election, Plaid increased their seat total to thirteen, up one from the twelve they won in 2016, but lost out in their target constituencies, and lost Rhondda where former leader Leanne Wood lost her seat to Labour.[129] Price said he would not resign, telling ITV Wales: "My job is to lead, its not to give up at a set back or disappointment. My job is to sustain the hope – all those young people who voted for Plaid because they were inspired by our message of the potential we believe is there in Wales to deliver a decent society for our people. I firmly believe that we have sown a lot of seed at this election. A lot of young people in particular who did come with us this time has laid the foundations for the future which I think will set us up for growth in the years to come."[130]
On 22 November 2021, despite Price's earlier comments about refusing to work with Labour,[131] the two parties announced a co-operation agreement consisting of almost 50 different policies, including providing free school meals for all primary school children, the establishment of a free-at-point-of-need national care system and building a railway between North and South Wales.[132] Price called the agreement "a down-payment on independence" and claimed that the results of the Senedd election "confirmed Wales's status as an indy-curious nation. A curiosity that will give birth – sooner than many think – to an independent Wales." He went on to say, "For Wales to be free, we must first be united. And, that is what this Co-operation Agreement sets out to achieve. It launches us on a pathway to a united Wales, one that, sooner than we perhaps think, will find it both comfortable and natural, indeed essential, to join the world community of normal, independent nations."[133]
The co-operation agreement was ratified by Plaid's conference, with 94% voting in favour. "This is a huge step forward for Wales and our democracy," Price said. "The co-operation agreement will bring immediate, tangible and long-term benefit for the people of Wales. All primary school children will now receive free school meals; there will be free childcare for all two-year-olds; and radical action to tackle the housing crisis. There will be stability payments to support family farms; exploration of an accelerated pathway to net zero by 2035; the creation of Ynni Cymru – a company to expand community-owned renewable energy generation; and a new and reformed Senedd – bigger, more diverse, and gender balanced in law. From feeding our children to caring for our elderly, this is a nation-building Programme for Government which will change the lives of thousands of people the length and breadth of our country for the better. And none of it would be happening without Plaid Cymru."[134]
In May 2023, the publication of a report which detailed failings by the party to prevent sexual harassment and bullying led to media coverage suggesting that Price had agreed to resign the party leadership,[44][135] and Price confirmed this in a statement on 10 May. Acknowledging that he "no longer had the united support of [his] colleagues", Price stated that he would step down officially at the start of the following week, once the process for electing a new interim leader was finalised.[136][137] On 11 May Plaid Cymru announced that Llyr Gruffydd, Senedd member for North Wales, would replace him as interim party leader, and that this would be confirmed by the NEC on 13 May.[138] On 16 June 2023 Rhun ap Iorwerth was announced as the new permanent leader after he was elected unopposed.[45]
Before the 2019 general election, Price announced that he would set up a commission to look at the practicality of Welsh independence, and how a Plaid Government would hold an independence referendum.[141] The commission, led by former Plaid Dwyfor Meirionydd MP Elfyn Llwyd, released its report on 25 September 2020.[142][143] It recommends five key aims for Plaid Cymru:[144]
Says an independent Wales should seek membership of the European Union, with a possible intermediate step being membership of the European Free Trade Area.
Recommends that Wales explores a confederal relationship with England and Scotland.
Proposes improvements to the operation of the Welsh Government and civil service.
Points the way to drawing up a Welsh Constitution and sets out a framework for a Self-Determination Bill to take the independence process forward.
A statutory National Commission should provide the people of Wales with a clear understanding of the option for their political future – including through Citizens' Assemblies and an initial referendum to test a range of constitutional options.
It also recommends that there should be one multiple choice referendum to gauge views and to persuade a UK Westminster government to agree to a referendum on the preferred option.[143]
The report was met with criticism from the Welsh Liberal Democrats, describing the report as a mix of "fanatical politics" and "pie in the sky economics".[145]
In December 2020, Price stated that an independence referendum would be held in Plaid Cymru's first term in office, if the party won a majority at the 2021 Senedd election.[146]
*Six seats (Blaenau Gwent, Ceredigion & Pembroke North, Islwyn, Monmouth, Newport West and Torfaen) contested on a joint Plaid Cymru/Green Party ticket
*The 2012 figures exclude Anglesey, where the vote was delayed until 2013. The changes in seats and votes shown for 2012 are a direct comparison since the 2008 elections in the 21 councils up for election (i.e. excluding Anglesey).
In 2008, Plaid won 205 seats including six in Anglesey. For the purposes of this table the 205 figure has been reduced to 199 for the 2012 elections where the party lost 41 of the 199 seats it was defending on the night, leaving them with 158 seats.
In the 2013 elections in Anglesey, the party won 12 seats, up from the 6 it won in 2008 (although there were significant boundary changes and a reduction in the total number of seats from 40 to 30).
The 2017 figures are based on changes from the 2012 and 2013 elections. (Hence the slight discrepancy in the percentage increase.)
^"Plaid Cymru". Politics.co.uk. Retrieved 26 December 2022.
^ abSchrijver, Frans (2006). Regionalism After Regionalisation: Spain, France and the United Kingdom (Thesis). Amsterdam University Press. p. 330. hdl:11245/1.288031. ISBN978-90-5629-428-1.
^Siaroff, Alan (2000). Comparative European Party Systems: An Analysis of Parliamentary Elections Since 1945. Garland. p. 467. ISBN978-1-138-88809-8.
^ abElias, Anwen (2006). "From 'full national status' to 'independence' in Europe: The case of Plaid Cymru — the Party of Wales". European Integration and the Nationalities Question. Routledge. p. 194.
^Dunphy, Richard (2004). Contesting capitalism?: Left parties and European integration. Manchester University Press. p. 157. ISBN0-7190-6803-7.
^McEwen, Nicola; Parry, Richard (2005). "Devolution and the preservation of the United Kingdom welfare state". The Territorial Politics of Welfare. Routledge. p. 53.
^ ab"Details of Labour–Plaid agreement". BBC News. 27 June 2007. Archived from the original on 6 August 2022. Retrieved 31 July 2008. On the sensitive issue of giving the Welsh assembly full law-making powers, a referendum on the issue is promised "as soon as practicable, at or before the end of the assembly term (in 2011)". According to the document "both parties will then take account of the success of the bedding down of the use of the new legislative powers (which came in after last May's election) already available and, by monitoring the state of public opinion, will need to assess the levels of support for full law-making powers necessary to trigger the referendum".
^McAllister, L., Plaid Cymru: the Emergence of a Political Party (Seren, 2001), "The tentative moves towards elaborating and broadening Plaid's policy portfolio did not allow it to shake off its early identity as a language movement or a cultural pressure group." See also Philip, A. B., The Welsh Question (University of Wales Press, 1975), "It is clear that the Welsh Nationalist Party was at the outset essentially intellectual and moral in outlook and socially conservative."
^Morgan, K. O., Welsh Devolution: the Past and the Future in Scotland and Wales: Nations Again? (ed. Taylor, B., and Thomson, K.), (1999), University of Wales Press. Williams, G. A. When Was Wales?, (1985), Penguin. Davies, J., A History of Wales, (1990, rev. 2007), Penguin. Davies, D. H., The Welsh Nationalist Party 1925–1945 (1983), St. Martin's Press. Morgan, K. O., Rebirth of a Nation, (1981), OUP.
^Davies, J., A History of Wales (1990, rev. 2007), Penguin: "Saunders Lewis ... hoped that a substantial number of Welshmen would refuse to be conscripted on the grounds that they were Welsh. He was disappointed by their response."
^Francis, H. and Smith, D., The Fed: A History of the South Wales Miners in the Twentieth Century, (1980), University of Wales.
^Tanner, D., Facing the New Challenge: Labour and Politics 1970–2000 in The Labour Party in Wales 1900–2000 (Ed. Tanner, D., Williams, C. and Hopkin, D.), (2000), University of Wales Press.
^Cole, Matt; Deighan, Helen (2012). Political Parties in Britain. Edinburgh University Press. p. 165.
^"Plaid pioneer Gwynfor Evans dies". BBC News. 21 April 2005. Archived from the original on 15 January 2009. Retrieved 31 July 2008. Mr Evans changed the face of British politics when he became Plaid's first MP in the 1966 Carmarthen by-election. Fourteen years later he threatened to starve himself to death in the cause of Welsh language television, leading to the foundation of S4C.
^"Morgan is more popular — Michael". BBC News. 17 February 1999. Archived from the original on 31 December 2002. Retrieved 31 July 2008. Mr Michael, who has Prime Minister Tony Blair's backing, has been widely predicted to come first due to the form of electoral system used. An electoral college composed of three groups — politicians, trade unions and party members — will determined the winner. Large unions such as AEEU that have made their choice after a ballot of a small number of delegates are backing Mr Michael, but Mr Morgan has won every union member vote, including the shopworkers' union Usdaw on Tuesday night. Mr Morgan, a left-wing backbencher, has also repeatedly topped opinion polls taken among Labour Party members in Wales.
^"'Wigley downfall' plot denied". BBC News. 14 July 2000. Archived from the original on 2 February 2014. Retrieved 31 July 2008. Mr Wigley's announcement that he was to give up the presidency of Plaid Cymru in May came as a shock. Although he had been in hospital undergoing heart surgery, he was expected to resume his career. Some Assembly members said privately that he had taken on too much — being an MP, AM, party president and also group leader in the National Assembly. But there was also the suggestion that there was a conspiracy to oust him.
^"Moderate with a hard act to follow". BBC News. 4 April 2003. Archived from the original on 22 June 2006. Retrieved 31 July 2008. But Mr Jones was soon facing questions about his credentials for the job. Seimon Glyn, until then a fairly obscure Plaid Cymru councillor from Gwynedd, had made controversial comments on BBC Radio Wales about inward migration into Welsh-speaking communities. The issue was raised when Mr Jones appeared on the BBC's Question Time in Caernarfon, and he was criticised for his response, in which he at first denied that Mr Glyn had referred to English as a foreign language. There were more problems when Plaid's then chief executive said that Mr Jones was on a learning curve in the job.
^Dudley, Marianna (16 January 2014). An Environmental History of the UK Defence Estate, 1945 to the Present. Bloomsbury Academic. ISBN978-1-4725-3373-9.[page needed]
^"First ethnic minority AM elected". BBC News. 4 May 2007. Archived from the original on 16 May 2007. Retrieved 6 May 2007. The assembly has its first ethnic minority member with the election of Plaid Cymru's Mohammad Asghar on the regional list. Mr Asghar, who was second on the Plaid list, was the fourth and final AM to be elected in South Wales East.
^"Jones confirmed as deputy leader". BBC News. 11 July 2007. Archived from the original on 9 October 2007. Retrieved 31 July 2008. Plaid Cymru leader Ieuan Wyn Jones said it was a "great honour" to become the Welsh assembly's Deputy First Minister. He was Plaid's first government minister in the party's 82-year history. In accepting the post as part of the coalition deal with Labour, Mr Jones said it was an "historic statement" personally and for his party.
^"A Guide for Credit Unions"(PDF). Financial Services Compensation Scheme. Archived(PDF) from the original on 24 September 2015. Retrieved 2 April 2015.