Latvian phonology

This article is about the phonology of Latvian. It deals with synchronic phonology as well as phonetics.

Consonants

Table adopted from Nau (1998:6)

Labial Dental/
Alveolar
Palatal/
Postalveolar
Velar
Nasal m n ɲ
Stop p b t d c ɟ k ɡ
Affricate t͡s d͡z t͡ʃ d͡ʒ
Fricative (f) v s z ʃ ʒ (x)
Approximant central j
lateral l ʎ
Trill r ()
  • /n t d t͡s d͡z s z/ are denti-alveolar, while /l r/ are alveolar.
  • The consonant sounds /f x/ are only found in loanwords.
  • [ŋ] is only an allophone of nasals before velars /k/ and /ɡ/.
  • Latvian plosives are not aspirated (unlike in English).
  • Voiced and voiceless consonants assimilate to the subsequent consonant, e.g. apgabals [ˈabɡabals] or labs [ˈlaps].
  • Voiced consonants (e.g. /b d ʒ/ etc.) are not devoiced word-finally: dzied [ˈd͡zie̯d], dedz [dæd͡z].
  • Consonants can be short or long; long consonants are represented with double letters in the orthography: mamma [ˈmamːa].
  • Plosives and fricatives that occur between two short vowels are lengthened, as in upe [ˈupːe], and words spelt with ⟨zs⟩, pronounced as /sː/, or ⟨šs⟩ or ⟨žs⟩, both pronounced as [ʃː].
  • A palatalized dental trill /rʲ/ is still used in some dialects (mainly outside Latvia) but quite rarely, and hence the letter ⟨Ŗ ŗ⟩ was removed from the alphabet.

Vowels

Latvian has six vowels, with length as distinctive feature:

Latvian vowels
Front Central Back
short long short long short long
Close i u
Mid e (ɔ) (ɔː)
Open æ æː a

ɔː/, and the diphthongs involving it other than /uɔ/, are confined to loanwords.

The vowel length ratio is about 1:2.5. Vowel length is phonemic and plays an important role in the language. For example, koka [ˈkuɔka] means 'made of wood', kokā [ˈkuɔkaː] means 'on the tree'; pile [ˈpile] means 'a drop', and pīle [ˈpiːle] means 'a duck'.

Latvian also has 10 diphthongs (/ai ui ɛi au iu (ɔi) ɛu (ɔu)/), although some diphthongs are mostly limited to proper names and interjections.

Pitch accent

Standard Latvian and, with a few minor exceptions, all of the Latvian dialects, have fixed initial stress.[1] Long vowels and diphthongs have a tone, regardless of their position in the word. This includes the so-called "mixed diphthongs", composed of a short vowel followed by a sonorant. There are three types of tones:

level (also drawling, sustained) tone (stieptā intonācija)
high throughout the syllable
e.g., loks [ˉluɔ̯ks] ('spring onion')
falling tone (krītošā intonācija)
brief rise followed by a long fall
e.g., loks [ˋluɔ̯ks] ('arch')
broken tone (lauztā intonācija)
rising tone followed by falling tone with interruption in the middle or some creakiness in the voice
e.g., logs [˜luɔ̯ks] ('window')

Besides the three-tone system of the standard variety, there are also Latvian dialects with only two tones: in western parts of Latvia, the falling tone has merged with the broken tone, while in eastern parts of Latvia the level tone has merged with the falling tone. Hence, the Central Latvian traũks, dràugs, raûgs correspond to Western Latvian traũks, draûgs, raûgs, and to Eastern Latvian tràuks, dràugs, raûgs.[2]

This system is phonetically more or less similar to the ones found in Lithuanian, Swedish, Norwegian and Serbo-Croatian. The broken tone has some similarity to the Danish stød.

Alternations

Latvian roots may alternate between [v] and [u] depending on whether the following segment is a vowel or a consonant. For example, the root Daugav- ('Daugava River') in the nominative case is [dauɡavə], but is pronounced [dauɡaupils] in the city name Daugavpils. In this example, the vocalic alternant [u] is realized as the off-glide of the diphthong /au/. However, when following a vowel that does not form an attested Latvian diphthong (for example, [iu]), [u] is pronounced as a monophthong, as in [zius] ('fish-NOM.SG.'; cf. [zivis] 'fish-NOM.PL.').

Notes

  1. ^ On the possible origins of fixed initial stress in Latvian, in contrast to Lithuanian, see Thomason, Sarah Grey; Kaufman, Terrence (1992). Language Contact, Creolization, and Genetic Linguistics. Berkeley: University of California Press. p. 122.
  2. ^ Derksen (1996:11)

References