Electoral Carlism of Restoration was vital to sustain Traditionalism in the period between the Third Carlist War and the Primo de Rivera dictatorship. Carlism, defeated in 1876, during the Restauración period recalibrated its focus from military action to political means and media campaigns. Accommodating themselves to political framework of the Alfonsine monarchy, the movement leaders considered elections, and especially elections to Congreso de los Diputados, primary vehicle of political mobilization. Though Carlist minority in the Cortes remained marginal and its impact on national politics was negligible, electoral campaigns were key to sustain the party until it regained momentum during the Second Spanish Republic.
The Spanish electoral system of the Restauración period envisioned that 1 deputy should represent around 50.000 inhabitants. The lower and the only fully electable chamber of the legislative, Congreso de los Diputados, was composed of around 400 deputies.[2] Electoral districts were territorially roughly corresponding to existing judicial districts, though there could have been minor local differences.[3] The districts were falling into two categories: 279 distritos rurales and 88 circunscripciones. The former were electing one deputy; the latter were electing a plurality of deputies, differing in number depending on the number of inhabitants; in these districts a voter was entitled to choose more than one candidate. In both types of districts mandates were assigned according to the first-past-the-post system. Though districts formed provinces and provinces were part of wider regiones, none of these two types of units played any role in the election process.[4]
Until the 1886 election the eligible voters were Spanish male citizens above 25 years of age with appropriate material status, i.e. those who paid annual fees known as “contribución territorial” in rural areas or as “subsidio industrial” in case of urban residents.[5] Starting the 1891 campaign the rights were granted to all males above 25 years, which increased the number of potential voters from 0.8m to 4.8m, the latter figure corresponding to 27% of the entire population.[6]
Spanish elections of the Restauración are marked by 2 distinct features: turnismo and caciquismo. According to the turnista routine, elections were organized by one of two rotating pre-appointed parties, Conservatives and Liberals, to ensure their parliamentary majority; the objective was achieved by a wide range of manipulations known as pucherazos.[7] Caciquismo was the system of political corruption based on networks of local party bosses.[8] Efficiency of both mechanisms decreased over time and varied across the country; rural areas were typically more prone to electoral fraud. Carlism functioned on the sidelines of the system,[9] deprived of the privileges enjoyed by two partidos turnistas; though there were a few local Carlist bosses or even dynasties,[10] in general caciquismo worked against the Carlist fortunes.[11]
During the period of 1879-1923 general elections were held 20 times; the aggregate number of mandates available was 8,048.[13] All branches of Traditionalism combined – the Carlists/Jaimists, the Integrists, the Mellists and the independent candidates - gained 145 mandates, which is 1,8% of the total. This score positions the Traditionalists far behind two key political groupings of the Restoration era, the Conservatives and the Liberals; together with offshoot branches and related groups[14] they seized above 3,500 mandates each.[15] The Traditionalist result is also much worse than this recorded by various and usually highly ephemeral parties and electoral alliances falling into the generic republican-democratic rubric;[16] on aggregate they won some 500 tickets.[17] Traditionalism comes fourth, behind the Conservative, Liberal and Republican political currents. On the overall basis it won more seats than parties which gained dynamics in the 20th century: the Catalanists, the Basques or the Socialists.[18]
Traditionalist performance measured in terms of the number of voters is difficult to gauge due to different factors, ranging from fraud and manipulation to peculiarities of electoral arithmetic. In the 1890s the aggregate number of votes obtained by Traditionalist deputies in each campaign hovered around 40,000, though given one should also include votes obtained by unsuccessful candidates the number was probably closer to 50,000; this would stand for some 1,7% of all active electorate.[19] In the 20th century the combined number of votes received by victorious Traditionalists in each campaign was some 65,000 on average.[20] In 1907, 1918 and 1919 it was rather around 90,000,[21] which suggests that at best there might have been as many as 100,000 people voting Traditionalism, around 4% of the total active electorate.[22] Though hardly an imposing figure, even in the early 1920s the Traditionalist electorate was by far larger than e.g. the Socialist one, as until the advent of Primo de Rivera dictatorship PSOE did not manage to attract more than 40,000 voters.[23]
Periodization
From the general Spanish perspective, the position of Carlists in the parliament underwent little if any change throughout all of the Restauración: the group formed an insignificant minority,[24] ranging from barely noticeable to minor, and was in no way able to influence the course of national politics.[25] It was only its most eloquent members that occasionally managed to make their presence felt.[26] From the Carlist perspective,[27] however, the size of their Cortes contingent differed enormously and could have been anything in the range between 1 and 16.[28] Fluctuating fortunes of the movement at the polls stemmed to a large extent from their wavering performance in Navarre. In other regions their potential remained rather constant, as Vascongadas used to elect 2-3 MPs, Catalonia (except the 1907 campaign) 1-2 MPs and Old Castile 1 MP.[29] Measured by the number of Carlist deputies present, the Restoration era falls into 4 sub-periods.[30]
Traditionalist deputies
The years of 1879[31]-1891 saw very few Carlist deputies, successful only as individuals - the first one elected baron de Sangarrén in 1879 - since officially the party did not participate in the elections.[32] The movement, defeated during the Third Carlist War, suffered from results of military disaster and the ensuing repressions.[33] With press titles suspended, circulos closed, holdings expropriated and supporters exiled[34] Carlism was only gradually rebuilding its infrastructure.[35] The recovery was made difficult by growing animosity between the claimant Carlos VII and the Nocedal father and son, resulting in the Integrist secession of 1888.[36] As a result, up to 1891 there were only single deputies elected from Guipuzcoa, Álava and Biscay[37] though there were also successful candidates from other parties, supported by the Carlists,[38] and though Carlism dominated in local elections in some provinces.[39]
The Nocedalista breakup triggered a more aggressive electoral policy, as both the Integrists and the mainstream Carlists tried to outpace each other.[40] The year of 1891 marked their first official campaign.[41] Demonstrating mutual and bitter hostility,[42] both groups considered traditional Carlist enemies lesser evil; Carlos VII and Ramón Nocedal alike instructed their followers to seek alliance even with the Liberals if that was to produce defeat of their ex-fellow brethren.[43] This approach started to change locally in the final years of the 19th century,[44] in the 20th century both groups driven together by a joint opposition to new governmental laws.[45] Nevertheless, between 1891 and 1907 both branches combined failed to gather more than 10 MPs in one term,[46] the mainstream Carlism holding on aggregate 44 mandates and Integrism winning 12[47]
The campaign of 1907 produced the best Carlist electoral score achieved during Restauración, which was the result of two factors. Traditionalism grew to almost total control of Navarre, where both branches grabbed 6 out of 7 mandates, willingly conceding the remaining one to Conservatives.[48] In Catalonia the Carlists joined a regional alliance,[49] which elevated the number of their Catalan MPs from the usual one or two to 6. Though the coalition fell apart few years later, it was in turn a rapid though ephemeral growth of the Valencian branch of the movement[50] combined with continuous supremacy in Navarre and rapprochement with the Integrists which allowed Carlism to occupy 10-12 seats in the lower chamber of the Cortes through most of the terms until 1920.[51]
The final years of 1920-1923 are marked by reduction of the minority. Another breakup within the movement, the Mellista secession, devastated Carlism, with a huge number of leaders and regional jefes joining the breakaways.[52] In the traditional stronghold, Navarre, the policy of short-lived pivotal alliances – even with the Liberals[53] – bewildered the electorate, and Carlism lost its grip on the province.[54]Basque and Catalan movements were assuming increasingly cautious policy towards Carlism.[55] Finally, the growth of new rivals, Republicans and Socialists, started to undercut whatever electoral support Carlists still enjoyed in the Northern and Eastern provinces. During the last campaign of 1923 Jaime III ordered abstention, quoting disillusionment as to the corrupted democracy.[56]
Program and alliances
Fueros monument, Pamplona
Initially the Carlists preferred not to compete on an ideology-driven program and limited themselves to arguing that only Traditionalism would be a genuine representative of local interests in Madrid.[57] Actually, it was the “Fueros” part of their ideario which was put on the forefront,[58] materialized as support for the Fueristas in the 1880s, local regional alliances of the 1890s, Solidaritat Catalana of 1907 or Alianza Foral of the 1920s. However, support for traditional local establishments has never amounted to clear endorsement of autonomous designs for Vascongadas, Catalonia or any other region, which kept undermining the Carlists-Nationalist relations.[59] Another typical feature of Traditionalist propaganda was defense of rights enjoyed by the Roman Catholic Church and constant references to Christian values.[60] Carlists tried to obtain an exclusive “Catholic” license from the hierarchy and criticized alleged abuse and inflation of the term, granted by the bishops even to Liberal candidates.[61] Dynastical claims were usually veiled and the party avoided open challenge of the Alfonsist rule.[62]
Carlos VII
As the turnista system degenerated, in the 20th century the Carlist propaganda focused increasingly on political corruption, presented as inevitable consequence of liberalism.[63] Campaigns of Carlist candidates, always ultra-conservative and anti-democratic, at the turn of the centuries became even more reactionary and included increasingly frequent calls to defend traditional values against “red revolution”.[64] In the late 1910s and early 1920s, with the Carlist policy of tactical alliances in full swing, they sidelined ideological threads again and shifted attention to practical issues. On the contrary, it was the Integrists who excelled in lambasting the Jaimistas for allying with the arch-enemies Liberals.[65] Finally, the last years of Restauración were marked by outward rejection of the political system and “farsa parlamentaria”.[66]
There was no clear Carlist system of alliances applicable through all of the Restauración period. Initially, when refraining from fielding own candidates themselves, the followers of Carlos VII sympathized mostly with right wing factions of the Conservatives,[67] local groupings centred on defence of regional identities[68] or with the independent Catholic candidates. The Liberals, victorious at battlefields, remained their arch-enemy.
senators at Solidaritat Catalana postcard
The alliance pattern changed following the 1888 split; both groups considered each other primary enemy and contended with venomous hostility,[69] occasionally supporting even the Liberals.[70] Enmity turned into rapprochement in early 1899, first locally in Guipuzcoa,[71] and later nationally.[72] In early 20th century two factions allied again against the Liberals, particularly against Ley de Jurisdicciones.[73] Opposition to liberal governments made Carlists swallow their enmity for Republicans and backtrack on their caution towards Catalanism; access to Solidaritat Catalana produced the largest Carlist parliamentary contingent in 1907, though the grouping fell apart few years later and its emulations elsewhere, like in Galicia or Asturias, were only moderately successful.[74] Provincial alliances under a broad monarchist-Catholic-regional umbrella continued until around 1915, concluded mostly with Integristas, Mauristas and independent candidates,[75] though there were skirmishes also among petty local Traditionalist factions.[76] The last years of Restauración are marked by mainstream Carlism entering into pivotal tactical alliances, including those with the Liberals[77] and Nationalists,[78] concluded at the expense of the enraged Integristas. Finally, the Mellista secession divided Carlism further on.[79]
Measured in terms of the number of Cortes mandates won, geographical support for Carlism during the Restoration period remained extremely uneven; it was absent in most of the country, minor though rather constant in some provinces, and thriving only in one area. In general, Carlism maintained some electoral potential in the North-Eastern crescent, ranging from the Bay of Biscay, along the Pyrenees to the Central Mediterranean coast.[81]
The core of Carlist electoral background was formed by Vascongadas and Navarre,[82] which elected 94 MPs (65% of all Traditionalists in the parliament). Navarre elected 35% of legitimist deputies and emerged as the only area where the movement dominated local political life. Though it was almost non-existent in the 1880s,[83] by the end of the century Carlism controlled some 35-40% of the Navarrese mandates available; during the first two decades of the 20th century it emerged as a majoritarian force; with 60-80% of the mandates won in each campaign, it even acted as an arbiter on the local political scene, namely by means of alliances with other parties controlling the entire pool of seats assigned to the province.[84] Within Navarre the Carlist stronghold was located in Estella district, the only one in the province (and one of 3 in Spain) where Carlism won on aggregate the majority of mandates available during the Restauración period.[85] Two Vascongadas provinces where Carlism strove for domination were Guipuzcoa and Álava.[86] In Guipuzcoa the movement obtained 33 mandates,[87] which was 33% of all mandates available in the province throughout the period[88] and 22% of all Carlist mandates won during the Restauración. Two local strongholds were rural districts of Azpeitia and Tolosa, which recorded the highest Carlist rate of success across all Spain.[89] In the small Álava province the Traditionalists gained altogether 15% of the mandates available,[90] though in local elections they used to dominate, especially during the 19th century.[91] Another Vascongadas province, Biscay, was the area where sympathy for legitimist cause was rapidly deteriorating, twice electing a Carlist MP from Durango.[92]
The regions where Carlism merely made its presence visible (1-3% of mandates available) were Old Castile and the Levantine coast, covering Catalonia, Valencia and the Balearic Islands. In Catalonia the Traditionalists elected 23 deputies,[93] which was the not marginal 16% of all legitimist MPs, but which amounted to only 3% of all the Catalan mandates available.[94] Across the 4 provinces forming the region, in Gerona the Carlists got 6% of the mandates,[95] in Barcelona and Tarragona 3%,[96] and in Lerida this percentage dropped to a mere 1%.[97] In most electoral campaigns (except 1907[98]) Carlist share of Catalan seats hovered in the range of 2-5%. The most Carlist of all the Catalan districts was Olot,[99] somewhat approached only by Vich.[100] Valencia was way behind Catalonia in absolute terms (11) and in terms of success rate.[101] Somewhat stronger in Castellón province (3%[102]) than in Valencia province (2%[103]), the Carlists could have boasted relative success in Nules and Valencia.[104] The most successful for the Valencian Carlists was the campaign of 1919, when with 3 mandates won they took 9% share of the electoral prize.[105] The small Baleares region elected 2 Carlist MPs[106] from Palma.[107] In Old Castile[108] the Carlist position - 11 MPs and 1,3% of all mandates available - was mostly due to 8 triumphs in Cervera de Pisuerga, one of the 5 most Carlist electoral districts in the country, which also marked Palencia as one of the 5 most Carlist electoral provinces. In the provinces of Santander,[109]Valladolid and Burgos the Carlists managed to elect one deputy.[110]
There were 2 regions with 1-2 Carlist MPs elected, making the movement barely present though not really visible: León,[111] and Asturias. In the North the Carlist share of mandates was below 1%.[112] There were no Carlist deputies elected in the regions of Andalusia,[113]Galicia, Aragon, New Castile, Murcia, Extremadura and Canary Islands. The movement was underrepresented in large urbanized constituencies; the 10 largest Spanish cities (with 10% of all population[114]) elected 10 Carlist deputies,[115] it is 7% of all Traditionalist MPs.
There were 64 individuals elected as Carlist deputies throughout the Restoration period; some of them served only one term, and some were parliamentarian veterans. The 4 most-serving deputies held 25% of all Carlist mandates of the period. Lloréns[116] was 3 times elected from Levantine districts, before serving 8 consecutive terms from the Navarrese Estella. Until today he remains the longest serving Carlist deputy ever (24 years), the longest continuously serving Carlist deputy ever (18 years) and the most-elected Carlist deputy ever (11 times). Vázquez de Mella[117] was 7 times elected from Navarre and once representing Oviedo. Barrio[118] served as Carlist political leader between 1899 and 1909; in the 1891-1909 period (except 1903–1905) he was elected from his native Palencian Cervera de Pisuerga and led the Carlist minority in the lower chamber.[119]Senante[120] represented the Integrist branch of the movement. Though an Alicantino, for 16 years he was continuously standing for Azpeitia and together with Llorens he holds the title of the most continuously elected Carlist deputy ever (8 times).[citation needed]
There was no rule as to Traditionalist political leaders competing for parliament. Candido Nocedal did not field his candidature after the 1876 defeat, marqués de Cerralbo had a seat guaranteed in the Senate by virtue of his grandeza de España,[121] Matías Barrio did run between 1901 and 1907 (and lost in 1903),[122]Bartolomé Feliú Pérez was successful in 1910,[123]Pascual Comín did not compete in 1919, Luis Hernando de Larramendi lost in 1920[124] and marqués de Villores was obliged by the royal order of the Carlist king to abstain in 1923.[125] Leaders of the breakaway Traditionalist factions tended to compete for parliamentary seat: the first Integrist jefe Ramón Nocedal was 4 times successful though he recorded also defeats, the successive one Juan Olazábal Ramery preferred to stay out of electoral campaigns. Following the secession from mainstream Carlism in 1919, Vázquez de Mella failed in his bid for the Cortes.[126]
Three times there were two generations serving as Carlist MPs. Chronologically first are the Ortiz de Zarate father and son, Ramón[129] and Enrique,[130] both representing the Alavese Vitoria in the 19th century. Then come the Ampuero father and son, José María[131] and José Joaquín,[132] from Durango. The Dominguez father and son, Tomas[133] and Tomás,[134] stood for the Navarrese district of Aoiz. There are only 5 cases of individuals serving in the parliament before and after the Third Carlist War.[135] Some of the politicians who started their deputy career during Restoration served in the Cortes until the late 1960s, the best known case being this of Esteban Bilbao,[136] the future president of the Francoist quasi-parliament; his first and his last days in the legislative are spanned by the time distance of 49 years.[137][citation needed]
There were cases of Carlist deputies acquiring their seat with no competition during the elections. They were most frequent in Navarre (8 times), where periodically in Estella and Aoiz districts potential counter-candidates acknowledged Carlist supremacy and did not even bother to compete, though sporadically the notorious Article 29 was applied also elsewhere (e.g. in favor of Senante in the Guipuzcoan Azpeitia[138] or in favor of Llosas Badia in the Catalan Olot[139]). Joaquín Llorens recorded the most triumphant victory, conquering 99,51% of votes cast in 1907.[140] None of the studies consulted offers any detailed and systematic personal profiling. The information available suggests that Carlist deputies were usually landowners,[141] lawyers,[142] academics[143] and journalists,[144] with rather few entrepreneurs,[145] officials[146] and military men.[147] Most of them commenced the Cortes career in their 30s.[148][citation needed]
Success factors
farmers from Guipuzcoa
Many students striving to analyze the Carlist popularity (or lack of thereof) point to socio-economic conditions,[149] though conclusions offered by scholars from this school could be contradictory.[150] The prevailing opinion holds that the movement flourished in rural areas with large commons and dominated by middle-size holdings, at least self-sustainable but usually able to enter the market exchange.[151] This type of units provided economic grounds for peasant owners, the social base of Carlism,[152] and was frequent in the Northern belt of Spain. Whenever this social group was giving way to peasant owners of small, non-sustainable plots, landless peasants, tenants or jornaleros, the rural workers – like was the case in New Castile or Andalusia, home to many Spanish landowners – Carlism was losing its base.[153] In industrialized areas the ensuing social mobility was undermining traditional life patterns and undercutting the Carlist popularity.[154] Rapidly growing urban proletariat, though not entirely immune to Carlist propaganda,[155] tended to embrace anarchism and socialism instead.[156]
Another group of determinants listed is related to culture and religion. It is noted that Carlism was strongly linked to religiosity, most fervent in the Northern provinces;[157] destitute peasant masses in Extremadura, Andalusia or New Castile have largely ceased to be Catholic.[158] Population groups demonstrating religious apathy or outward hostility, like socially mobile middle-class professionals dominating culturally and politically in urban communities during the early Restauración, are held responsible for trailing Carlist popularity in the cities.[159] In the 20th century it was the class of industrial workers which became liable for growing secularization of large metropolitan areas and the Carlist lack of appeal in Madrid, Barcelona, Seville, Málaga, Zaragoza or Bilbao.[160] The ensuing Carlist anti-urbanism[161] should not be applied universally, though; some scholars note that in parts of Spain like Galicia the movement was absent in rural areas and remained sustained only in middle-size cities,[162] like this of Ourense.[163]
Carlist members of Parliament with Doña Beatriz, Don Jaime's sister, 1918
Scholars focusing on Carlism and regional movements agree that until some point the two sustained each other. The discussion is mostly about whether they started to part when regional identities gave way to ethnic threads or even later, when conscious ethnic communities embraced national and political claims.[164] It is also not clear why the interaction was material in some regions, while in the other – like Galicia – it remained marginal.[165] Carlist historiography of the last decades seems marked by increasing skepticism towards socio-economic conditions being put on the forefront, now suspected of schematic Darwinism and oversimplifications. One reviewer[166] underlines emergence of “nueva historia política”, backed by focus on family interaction patterns, collective mentality, religious and moral values, anthropological factors like customs and other elements described as “microsystems of daily life”. Another[167] notes an apparent return of political analysis as a primary investigation key. One more prefers to analyse semiotics of culture discourse as key to understanding of Carlist popularity - also in terms of electoral efforts - among the underprivileged.[168]
^the map incorrectly shows the province of Palencia as forming part of the Leon region. In fact, it formed part of the Old Castile
^exact number of deputies differed slightly from term to term due to minor peculiarities of the system, see Emilio de Diego García, El Congreso de los Diputados en el reinado del Alfonso XII [PhD thesis], Madrid 2001, ISBN8466923128, pp. 467-472
^there were few cases of gerrymandering, apparently aimed against Carlism. The example is creation of the Marquina district in Biscay; Javier Real Cuesta, El Carlismo Vasco 1876-1900, Madrid 1985, ISBN8432305103, pp. 211-212
^Jesús María Zaratiegui Labiano, Efectos de la aplicación del sufragio universal en Navarra. Las elecciones generales de 1886 y 1891, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 57 (1996), pp. 186-7
^effect of the censitarian system on Carlist vote differed across the provinces. In the key Vasco-Navarrese area, eligible voters formed only 3,5% in rural and poor Guipuzcoa, 5,5% in Biscay, 6,3% in Navarre and 11,2% in Alava, see Real Cuesta 1985, p. 233, Zaratiegui 1996, pp. 178, 193
^see Rosa Ana Gutiérrez, Rafael Zurita, Renato Camurri, Elecciones y cultura política en España e Italia (1890-1923), Valencia 2003, ISBN8437056721, 9788437056722
^see José Varela Ortega, El poder de la influencia : geografía del caciquismo en España: (1875-1923), Madrid 2001, ISBN84-259-1152-4
^see Carlos Serrano Lacarra, Oposiciones antisistema: carlistas, republicanos, socialistas y anarquistas, [in:] Julia Santos (ed.), Debates en torno al 98: Estado, sociedad y politica, Madrid 1998, pp. 115-133
^Joan Prats i Salas, Carlisme i caciquisme: Josep de Suelves, Marques de Tamarit, cap carli de las comarques de Tarragona (1890-1918), [in:] Estudis Altafullencs 16 (1992), pp. 123-140
^general overview of historiographic theories on links between Carlism and caciquismo in Antoni Vives Riera, Carlismo y caciquismo: las subjetividades campesinas en la historia contemporánea de España, [in:] Ayer 83 (2011) pp.151-173. See also Jordi Canal i Morell, Banderas blancas, boinas rojas: una historia política del carlismo, 1876-1939, Madrid 2006, ISBN8496467341, 9788496467347, p. 173, Angel Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui, Caciques y políticos forales. Las elecciones a la Diputación de Navarra (1877-1923), Pamplona 1992, ISBN8460430294. Some scholars prefer to talk about Carlist “caudillaje” rather than “caciquismo”, see Lluís Ferran Toledano González, El caudillaje carlista y la política de las partidas, [in:] Jesús Millán (ed.), Carlismo y contrarrevolución en la Espana contemporánea, Madrid 2000, ISBN8495379147 pp. 91-114
^totals for each year which aggregate results of deputies as listed in the appendix; sourced from the official Cortes service, available here. The numbers listed should be understood as "at least", since they include only votes obtained by successful candidates and exclude votes obtained by candidates who failed to gain the ticket. Note that "votes" might not be identical to "voters", as in multi-mandate districts one voter was entitled to a number of votes. In case a candidate was declared victorious according to Article 29 (no counter-candidate), he is assigned the number of votes he gained in the district during the preceding or (if unavailable) following campaign
^Carlos Lozano, História electoral service, available here
^e.g. Mauristas, Ciervistas, Villaverdistas, constitutionalists, tetuanists and other branches of Conservatism, Romanonistas, Gamacistas, fusionists, reformists and other branches of Liberalism
^a private website calculates that the Conservatives gained 3,571 mandates and the Liberals gained 3,512 tickets, Carlos Lozano, História electoral service, available here
^e.g. Republican Union, Republican Nationalists, Republican Coalition, Republican-Socialists, Democratic Progressists, Possibilists, Democratic Federalists, Radicals and other
^528 mandates according to Carlos Lozano, História electoral service, available here
^various groupings focused on Catalan identity (some of them bordering Traditionalism) gained some 140 seats, the Basques (fueristas, nationalists, other) gained some 30 seats and PSOE gained 11 seats
^exact turnout for all elections of the 1890s is not available; in 1899 there were 2,798,262 people who cast their ballots, Carlos Barciela López, Albert Carreras, Xavier Tafunell (eds.), Estadísticas históricas de España: siglos XIX-XX, vol. 3, Madrid 2005, ISBN9788496515000, p. 1093
^in 11 campaigns from 1901 to 1923 the successful Traditionalist candidates received on aggregate 703,000 votes
^in 1919 there were 2,342,872 people voting, Barciela, Carreras, Tafunell 2005, p. 1094
^José Andrés Gallego, Historia General de España y América: Revolución y Restauración: (1868-1931), vol. XVI/2, Madrid 1981, ISBN9788432121142, p. 383
^different sources provide different figures as to exact number of Carlist deputies, with no source giving the full list of names. A scholarly study gives the figure of 101 Carlist deputies elected between 1891 and 1923, see María Cruz Mina Apat, La escisión carlista de 1919 y la unión de las derechas, [in:] José Luis García Delgado (ed.), La crisis de la Restauración. España entre la primera guerra mundial y la II República, Madrid 1986, ISBN8432305642, pp. 149-164, referred after Ángel García-Sanz Marcotegui, Jesús María Osés Gorráiz, María Cruz Mina Apat, [in:] Huarte de San Juan. Geografía e Historia 21 (2014), p. 150
^Martin Blinkhorn, Carlism and Crisis in Spain 1931-1939, Cambridge 2008, ISBN9780521207294, 9780521086349, p. 30
^Jeremy MacClancy, The Decline of Carlism, Reno 2000, ISBN0874173442 p. 11
^see the account of a Carlist historian, Román Oyarzun Oyarzun, Historia del carlismo, Madrid 2008, ISBN8497614488, 9788497614481, pp. 430-443
^including all breeds of Traditionalism, which roughly fell into 4 groups: 1) official candidates fielded by structures loyal to the Carlist king (referred to further on as mainstream Carlism), candidates of 2 breakaway Traditionalist groups, usually referred to as 2) Integristas/Nocedalistas and 3) Mellistas, and 4) independent candidates. Official deputies are listed by Agustín Fernández Escudero, El marqués de Cerralbo (1845-1922): biografía politica [PhD thesis], Madrid 2012, pp. 240 (for the campaign of 1891), 250-251 (1893), 315 (1896), 345 (1898), 360 (1899), 416-418 (1901-1907), 430 (1910), 461 (1914), 488 (1916), 494 (1918), 519 (1919), 520 (1920). Deputies not listed as official candidates by Escudero, though listed as Carlist in other sources, be it historical works (see e.g. a few references to Jaime Chicharro as a Carlist or even Jaimist candidate in Gerard Llansola, Estructura organitzativa i participació electoral del carlisme castellonenc en la decadència de la Restauració (1914-1918), [in:] Rosa Monlleó Peris [ed.], Castelló al segle XX, Castellón 2006, ISBN9788480215640, pp. 207-236) or contemporary press (see e.g. references to Ramon Altarriba y Villanueva as Carlist deputy in La Union of 05.04.86) are referred to as independent, unless clearly identified with Integristas or Mellistas. In cases of official party abstention, i.e. in 1899 and 1923, all candidates – even those formally holding posts within mainstream Carlism, like Barrio in 1899 or Baleztena in 1923 – are labelled as independent
^similar periodisation is proposed also for Carlist participation in local elections, see Angel Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui, Caciques y políticos forales. Las elecciones a la Diputación de Navarra (1877-1923), Pamplona 1992, ISBN8460430294, p. 311
^during the 1876 elections, which took place shortly after the Third Carlist War, on key Carlist territories constitutional laws were suspended; "the war was over, but the state of war continued", and the elections of 1876 can not be considered free even by the standards of that age, see Real Cuesta 1985, p. 41
^Oyarzun 2008, pp. 430-433; in some areas of the Spanish territory the Madrid government maintained even what is called “ejercito de ocupacion”, José Varela Ortega, Los amigos políticos: partidos, elecciones y caciquismo en la Restauración, 1875-1900, Madrid 2001, ISBN8495379139, 9788495379139, p. 459
^Canal i Morell 2006, p. 64 claims there were 20,000 Carlists exiled; Real Cuesta 1985, p. 1 gives the number of 12,500
^the reconstruction work is credited by some to Ramon Nocedal, see Jacek Bartyzel, Umierac ale powoli, Krakow 2006, ISBN8386225742, pp. 273-274, and by some to marqués de Cerralbo, see Oyarzun 2008, p. 433
^Fermín Pérez-Nievas Borderas, Contra viento y marea. Historia de la evolución ideological del carlismo a través de dos siglos de lucha, Estella 1999, ISBN978-84-605-8932-7, pp. 83-84
^as late as 1886 Carlism fielded no official candidates and Carlos VII allowed only individual ones, see Escudero 2012, p. 98
^Zaratiegui 1996 p. 187, see also José María Remirez de Ganuza López, Las Elecciones Generales de 1898 y 1899 en Navarra, [in] Príncipe de Viana 49 (1988), pp. 361, 373; the author claims that the Navarrese Carlism of late 19th century suffered two secessions: this of Integristas, but also of more pragmatic sectors of clase dirigente, which oriented themselves towards realignment with the regime
^this was especially the case in Vascongadas, as in 1880 elections Carlists gained 53% of votes in Guipuzcoa, 42% in Alava and 35% in Biscay, see Real Cuesta 1985, pp. 43-47
^particularly bitter rivalry between Integros and mainstream Carlists used to take place in Azpeitia, where Ramon Nocedal used to compete against the Guipuzcoan Carlist leader, Tirso Olazabal, see Real Cuesta 1985, p. 182
^there were 33 official Carlist candidates standing in 11 regions: Catalonia (8), Valencia (4), Old Castile (5), Navarre (4), New Castile (3), Vascongadas (3), Aragon (2), Extremadura (1), Andalusia (1), Leon (1) and Baleares (1), Escudero 2012, pp. 237-8. The geographical composition changed slightly in 1893 with only 7 regions contested: Catalonia (7), Valencia (5), Navarre (5), Vascongadas (4), Baleares (1), New Castile (1) and Andalusia (1), see Escudero 2012, p. 249
^Integrists instructed their followers that “antes que carlista, cualquier cosa: republicano, fusionista, conservador, cualquier cosa antes que carlista, Zaratiegui 1996, p. 181; similar instructions were issued by Carlos VII against the treacherous Nocedalistas, Zaratiegui 1996, p. 197
^Remirez 1988, p. 384, in Guipuzkoa in 1899 Pradera was elected thanks to Integrist support, while Carlists supported the Integrist candidate Olazabal in return, see Escudero 2012, p. 360
^Remirez 1988, p. 384; the alliance was reinforced by joint opposition to the so-called Ley del candado, see Juan Ramón de Andrés Martín, El caso Feliú y el dominio de Mella en el partido carlista en el período 1909–1912, [in:] Historia contemporánea 10 (1997), p. 100
^mainstream Carlists abstained in 1899. The leaders pondered upon launching another insurgency and actually some have already started to prepare the uprising. The Silvela government reacted with preventive detentions and expulsions, resulting in the Carlist organizational network seriously debilitated. Finally Don Carlos decided to abstain, Remirez 1988, p. 382
^in 1899 individual candidates were allowed (“no habrá diputados carlistas en las próximas elecciones, pero podrá haber carlistas diputados”), Remirez 1988, p. 382
^Sebastián Cerro Guerrero, Los resultados de las elecciones de diputados a Cortes de 1910 en Navarra, [in:] Principe de Viana 49 (1988), pp. 93-94
^Pérez-Nievas Borderas 1999, p. 87, Josep Carles Clemente Muñoz, Los días fugaces. El Carlismo. De las guerras civiles a la transición democratica, Cuenca 2013, ISBN9788495414243, p. 25. At times it was reproduced on county level, e.g. in Manresa by Joaquín Gomis Cornet
^the region of Valencia elected 2 Traditionalist MPs in the period of 1879-1914, and 8 of them in the period of 1914-1920
^during 6 electoral campaigns of the 1907-1919 period the Traditionalists elected 68 deputies; during the remaining 14 campaigns of 1879-1923 they elected 72 deputies
^following some local defeats in December 1915, the Jaimistas sealed an agreement with the Mauristas and the liberals during partial elections to Diputación Foral in Estella in February 1916, Jesús María Fuente Langas, Elecciones de 1916 en Navarra, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 51 (1990), p. 950
^Elena Floristan Imízcoz, María Luisa Garde Etayo, El manifesto constitutivo de la Alianza Foral (1921), [in:] Principe de Viana 49 (1988), pp. 147–154
^Carlist alliances with Nationalists, like Solidaritat Catalana with the Catalans or Alianza Foral with the Basques, were usually short-lived and caused controversies, see Jesús María Fuente Langas, Los tradicionalistas navarros bajo la dictadura de Primo de Rivera (1923–1930), [in:] Príncipe de Viana 55 (1994), p. 419, bewildering also other parties, see Imízcoz, Garde 1988, p. 150
^see the letter from Jaime III to marques de Villores, ABC 13.03.1923; it might be suspected that the claimant preferred to avoid humiliating defeat of the party, heavily weakened by the Mellist secession. Overall disappointment with the system was widespread; electoral absence in 1923 reached the record 35,5% and 35,1% of the population saw candidates declared victorious with no electoral competition, Stanley G. Payne, Spain's First Democracy: The Second Republic, 1931-1936, Madison 1993, ISBN0299136744, 9780299136741, p. 19
^for Navarre see Zaratiegui 1996, p. 197, for Vascongadas see Real Cuesta 1985, p. 155
^the issue is still disputed among the historians; an example might be the approach of Evarist Olcina, historian and once the political leader of the socialist Partido Carlista, who claims that genuine Carlists supported autonomy, while accidental Carlists voiced against it, see Evarist Olcina, El Carlismo y las autonomías regionales, Madrid 1974, ISBN978-84-299-0053-8, his also Carlisme i Autonomia al Pais Valencia, Valencia 1976, ISBN978-84-85211-21-0
^Enrique Gil Robles declared in 1891: “la política de un diputado sinceramente católico no debe ser otra que la de Jesucristo Rey”, quoted after Zaratiegui 1996, p. 180
^Remirez 1988, p. 366; there is a school in Carlist historiography (Clemente, Olcina, Pérez-Nievas) suggesting that genuine popular Carlism was leaning towards the Left, which at times surfaced in its parliamentary activities; access to Solidaritat Catalana is explained along these lines, see Pérez-Nievas 1999, p. 87
^Letter from Don Jaime to De Villores, ABC 13.03.1923
^symbolised by marqués de Vadillo, considered a semi-Carlist candidate and his cacique network dubbed carlo-vadillismo, see Remirez 1988, pp. 361, 373 Zaratiegui 1996, p. 187
^e.g. the Fueristas, see Zaratiegui 1996, p. 181-3, also Partido Fuerista in Gran Enciclopedia Navarra or Unión Vasconavarra, Real Cuesta 1985, pp. 42-46
^Integrists instructed their followers that “antes que carlista, cualquier cosa: republicano, fusionista, conservador, cualquier cosa antes que carlista", Zaratiegui 1996, p. 181; similar instructions were issued by Carlos VII against the treacherous Nocedalistas, Zaratiegui 1996, p. 197
^Integrist daily El Tradicionalista leaked an alleged instruction of Don Carlos, suggesting alignment with Liberals instead of the secessionists, Zaratiegui 1996, p. 197
^e.g. a Burgos Integrist, Francisco Estévanez Rodríguez, was agreed to run also as a Jaimist-supported Traditionalist candidate in 1910, El Norte 05.05.10, available here
^the alliance was reinforced by joint opposition to the so-called Ley del Candado, see Andrés Martín 1997, p. 100
^for a regionalist-republican-Carlist alliance of Solidaridad Gallega see Miguel Cabo Villaverde, Solidaridad Gallega y el desafío al sistema de la restauración, 1907-1911, [in:] Ayer 64 (2005), pp. 238-242, for "frente asturiano" in 1916, see Carolyn P. Boyd, Covadonga y el regionalismo asturiano, [in:] Ayer 64 (2006), p. 167
^e.g. in Pamplona the 3 mandates available were shared amicably among a Carlist, an Integrist and a Conservative, Zaratiegui 1996, p. 187, Remirez 1988, p. 373
^e.g. a conflict within Valencian Carlism between "purs" and "paquistes", see Monlleó 2006, p. 228
^Fuente 1990, p. 950, Imízcoz, Garde 1988, pp. 148-149
^those seeking understanding with the Basque Nationalists were further divided into 2 groups: moderate "cuarentaiunistas" and radical "antitreintainuevistas", see Fuente 1994, p. 419
^Juan Ramón de Andrés Martín, El cisma mellista : historia de una ambición política, Madrid 2000, ISBN8487863825, 9788487863820
^seats gained by Carlists as % of all seats available in a geographical unit in 1879-1923
^sometimes described also as a triangle, Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 12-13
^Cerro Guerrero 1988, pp. 93–106, Fuente 1990, pp. 947–957
^12 out of 20 available, won by Vázquez de Mella, Llorens and Bilbao
^in terms of number of mandates won, Carlism has never gained majority achieved on the regional Vascongadas basis; on the provincial basis, in Guipuzcoa all breeds of Traditionalism grabbed 3 out of 5 seats available in 1891, 1919 and 1923, in Alava winning 2 out of 3 seats in 1910
^see also Francisco Javier Caspistegui, Historia por descubrir. Materiales para estudio del carlismo, Estella 2012, ISBN9788423532148, pp. 32-33; Real Cuesta 1985, p. 42, claims that Pedro de Egaña was in 1879 elected from Tolosa on the Carlist ticket, though the press referred to him as "moderado histórico" and "fuerista" (La Epoca 02.05.1879), "intransigente" (La Epoca 04.05.1879) or counted him among the liberals (La Union 22.04.1879); José Varela Ortega, El poder de la influencia: geografía del caciquismo en España (1875-1923), Madrid 2001, ISBN8425911524, 9788425911521, p. 765, considers him a catolico-fuerista candidate
^in Azpeitia, the Nocedalista stronghold, the movement won 80% (16 out of 20) of all mandates available, in Tolosa the corresponding figure was 65% (13 out of 20) seats available. Even Carlist cuckoo candidates who had had nothing to do with Tolosa before, like Rafaél Díaz Aguado Salaberry, were guaranteed victory
^9 out of 60 available in 1879-1923, once winning 2 and 7 times winning 1 of 3 mandates contested; Álava sent to Madrid 6% of Carlist deputies; its most Carlist district was Laguardia with 30% success rate (6 out of 20 seats)
^Real Cuesta 1985, pp. 270-289; some districts of the capital Vitoria were dubbed "el Somorrostro carlista"
^2% of all mandates available in the province; Biscay was divided into 6 districts with each entitled to 1 mandate
^for an overview of Carlism in Catalonia see Pere Anguera i Nolla, El carlisme a Catalunya, 1827-1936, Barcelona 1999, see also Traditionalist success in local elections of provincial deputies, Isidre Molas, Els senadors carlins de Catalunya (1901-1923), Barcelona 2009
^the region of Catalonia was divided into 4 provinces, and these were formed by 35 districts; all except Barcelona and Tarragona were electing 1 deputy with the total of 43 deputies
^The province was electing 7 deputies; Carlists won 8 out of the 140 mandates available
^in Barcelona 14 out of 400, in Tarragona 4 out of 160; within the Barcelona province, the Carlist stronghold was formed by areas around Berga and Vic, dubbed "forat negre", Robert Vallverdú i Martí, El Carlisme Català Durant La Segona República Espanyola 1931-1936, Barcelona 2008, ISBN8478260803, 9788478260805, p. 155
^it is 1.4% of all Balearic mandates; the Baleares region consisted of one province, Baleares, which was divided into 3 districts: Palma, Mahon and Ibiza, electing 7 MPs in each campaign. Gual Dons y Torrella and Villalonga are listed here (after Escudero) as mainstream Carlist, though Varela Ortega 2001, p. 688 considers them Integrists
^Carlist used to boast triumphs in the Baleares before the Third Carlist War, see Marta Gutiérrez Balzátegui, La gran victoria del carlismo en Baleares: las elecciones de 1871, s.l. 2013, ISBN8497391365, 9788497391368
^with no success in the provinces of Logroño, Soria, Segovia and Avila
^apart from 2 Salamanca mandates of Sanchez del Campo in 1901 and 1903, in 1907 the Integrist Juan Lamamié de Clairac y Trespalacios replaced the victorious liberal candidate for the Salamanca district as well; he is not counted here
^Leon was entitled to 25 deputies, Asturias to 13 deputies
^Oriol, elected in 1919 on the maurista ticket from the Andalusian Jaen, switched to Carlism in the early 1930s; there were very few Carlist candidates standing in Andalusia, despite brief resurgence of the movement in the region in the early 1910s, during jefatura of José Díez de la Cortina y Olaeta
^Froilán de Lózar, La aventura política de Matías Barrio y Mier, [in:] Publicaciones de la Institución Tello Téllez de Meneses, s.l., ISSN0210-7317, 78 (2007), pp. 165–264, Gregorio de la Fuente Monge, Matías Barrio y Mier, [in:] Diccionario Biográfico Español, v. VII, pp. 186–189, Carlos Petit, Barrio y Mier, Matías (1844-1909), [in:] Diccionario de Catedráticos Españoles de Derecho (1847-1943) at Universidad Carlos III de Madrid website
^leader of both deputies and senators was marques de Cerralbo
^though by only 43% of those entitled to vote, Llorens in 1907 at official Cortes site. The highest number of votes - 36.981 - was collected by Batlle y Baro in 1918 in Barcelona, though this is indicative of the size of the constituency rather than of his personal support. In the 20th century the total number of votes collected by the Carlist candidates was usually in the range of 50-75,000; two times when the figure neared 100,000 were 1918 (96,959) and 1907 (90,985)
^like Tomas Dominguez Romera, José de Suelves Montagut, Jaime Chicharro
^Like Altarriba, Domingues Arevalo, Baleztena, Bilbao, Campion, Chicharro, Iglesias, Junyent, Llanza, Llorens, Llosas, Olazabal, Sanz, Senante, Solana, Urquijo. The earliest debut identified was this of Ignacio Gonzales de Careaga (21 years of age), the latest one this of Luis Garcia Guijarro (61)
^in non-Spanish literature such studies started to appear in the 1960s, see Gerald Brennan, The Spanish Labyrinth, Cambridge 1962. In Spain they became popular after the fall of Francoism, for the most complete review see Josep María Sole i Sabate (ed.), El carlisme i la seva base social, Barcelona 1992; also Francisco Javier Asín Remírez de Esparza, Alfonso Bullón de Mendoza, Carlismo y sociedad 1833-1840, Zaragoza 1987, José María Donézar, La desamortización de Mendizabal en Navarra, 1836-1851, Madrid 1975. The historiographical review in Manuel Ledesma Pérez, Una lealtad de otros siglos (en torno a las interpretaciones del carlismo), [in:] Historia social 24 (1996), pp. 139-149
^some note that Carlism flourished in areas with low level of social tension, as in Navarre it was "above all a movement of the economically satisfied", see Blinkhorn 2008, p. 17. For a short review of opposite views, presenting Carlism as movement of social protest ("fue una gran protesta social y una auténtica lucha de clases"), see e.g. José Carlos Clemente, El carlismo en el novecientos español (1876-1936), Madrid 1999, ISBN8483741539, 9788483741535, p. 47
^Steven Henry Martin, The Commonality of Enemies: Carlism and anarchism in modern Spain, 1868-1937 [MA thesis], Peterborough 2014, pp. 26-47, MacClancy 2000, p. 38, Renato Barahona, Biscay on the Eve of Carlism: Politics and Society, 1800-1833, Reno 1989, ISBN0874171229, 9780874171228, p. 170
^by their enemies Carlists were considered backwater rednecks. Probably the most famous manifestation of such a vision is a phrase attributed to the socialist leader Indalecio Prieto: “a Carlist is a red-topped animal which lives in the mountains, eats communión, and attacks people”, see e.g. María Eugenia Salaverri, Lecciones de historia, [in:] El Pais 22.08.2014
^for historiographical review see María Cruz Rubio Liniers, María Talavera Díaz, Bibliografías de Historia de España, vol. XIII: El carlismo, Madrid 2007, ISBN8400090136, 9788400090135, chapters Sociologia del carlismo. Bases sociales, pp. 100-112, especially sub-chapter Sociedad agraria. Campesinado. Clases populares, pp. 108-110
^e.g. around the year of 1900, in the strongly Carlist Guipuzcoa only 11% of population was born outside the province; in the neighbouring Biscay, where Carlist popularity was existent though minor, 63% of population was born outside the province, Real Cuesta 1985, pp. 268-269
^see Colin M. Winston, Carlist Worker Groups in Catalonia, 1900-1923, [in:] Stanley G. Payne (ed.), Identidad y nacionalismo en la Espana contemporanea: el carlismo, 1833-1975, San Sebastian 1996, pp. 85-101
^historiographical review in Rubio Liniers, Talavera Díaz 2007, chapter Carlism and religion pp. 175-177, for samples see José Andrés-Gallego, Génesis de la Navarra contemporanea, [in:] Principe de Viana 6 (1987), pp. 195-234, Anton Pazos, El clero Navarro (1900-1936). Origen social, procedencia geografica y formación sacerdotal, Pamplona 1990
^Payne 1993, p. 12; for detailed account see Manuel Suárez Cortina, Anticlericalismo, religión y política durante la Restauración, [in:] Emilio La Parra Lopez, Manuel Suárez Cortina (eds.), El anticlericalismo español contemporáneo, Madrid 1998, ISBN9788470305320, pp. 127-210, Víctor Manuel Arbeloa Muru, Clericalismo y anticlericalismo en España (1767-1930): Una introducción, Madrid 2011, ISBN8499205488, 9788499205489, esp. chapter IX, La segunda restauración, pp. 320-359
^there is no systematic study of correlation between Carlist vote and the structure of urban dwellers. Local studies available (like the case of Pamplona) suggest that it is difficult to find a clear dependence, see Zaratiegui 1996, pp. 204-205. The 20th century patterns are more clear, see Ana Serrano Moreno, Los resultados de las elecciones a Cortes Constituyentes de 1931 en el municipio de Pamplona: un análisis especial, [in:] Principe de Viana 49 (1988), pp. 457–464. See also a fairly detailed analysis of Carlist vote in the Alavese Vitoria, Real Cuesta 1985, pp. 275-284
^Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, “Esa ciudad maldita, cuna del centralismo, la burocracia y el liberalismo”: la ciudad como enemigo en el tradicionalismo español, [in:] Actas del congreso internacional "Arquitectura, ciudad e ideología antiurbana", Pamplona 2002, ISBN8489713510
^José Ramón Barreiro Fernández, El Carlismo Gallego, Santiago de Compostela 1976, ISBN8485170105, pp. 264-266
^Julio Prada Rodriguez, El Fénix que siempre renace. El carlismo ourensano (1894-1936), [in:] Espacio, Tiempo y Forma, Series V, Historia Contemporánea, vol. 17, 2005, pp. 119-146
^complete review in Cruz Rubio, Talavera Díaz 2012, see chapters Carlism and Catalan nationalism pp. 174-175, Carlism and Basque nationalism pp. 194-207; for samples, see Javier Real Cuesta, El Carlismo Vasco 1876-1900, Madrid 1985, ISBN978-84-323-0510-8, MacClancy 2000, Angel García-Sanz, Iñaki Iriarte, Fernando Mikelarena, Historia del navarrismo (1841-1936). Sus relaciones con el vasquismo, Pamplona 2002, ISBN8495075903, Pere Anguera i Nolla, El carlismo a Catalunya, 1827-1936, Barcelona 1999, Stanley G. Payne (ed.), Identidad y nacionalismo en la España contemporanea: el carlismo, 1833-1975, San Sebastian 1996
^Ramon Maiz, The Open Ended Construction of a Nation: The Galician Case in Spain, [in:] Justo G. Berramendi, Ramon Maiz, Xose M. Núñez Seixas (eds.), Nationalism in Europe: Past and Present, Santiago de Compostela 1994, pp. 182-183
^Manuel Martorell-Perez, Nuevas aportaciones históricas a la evolución ideológica del carlismo, [in:] Gerónimo de Uztariz, 16 (2000), pp. 95-108
^Eduardo González Calleja, Historiografía reciente sobre el carlismo.¿El carlismo de la argumentación política?, [in:] Ayer 38 (2000), pp. 275-288
^Vives Riera 2011. The author claims that neither functionalist not structuralist approaches sufficiently explain enduring Carlist preferences among "clases subalternas"; he proposes a cultural focus on broad inter-class communication patterns
Further reading
Pere Anguera i Nolla, El carlisme a Catalunya, 1827-1936, Barcelona 1999, ISBN978-84-7596-644-1
Jordi Canal i Morell, Banderas blancas, boinas rojas: una historia política del carlismo, 1876-1939, Madrid 2006, ISBN8496467341, 9788496467347
Albert Carreras, Xavier Tafunell, Estadísticas históricas de España: siglos XIX-XX, vol. 3, Madrid 2005, ISBN8496515001, 9788496515000
Demetrio Castro Alfín, El carlista en las Cortes: la política electoral y parlamentaria del Carlismo en la primera etapa de la Restauración, Pamplona 2015, ISBN9788423533992
Agustín Fernández Escudero, El marqués de Cerralbo (1845-1922): biografía política [PhD thesis], Madrid 2012
Miguel Martínez Cuadrado, Elecciones y partidos políticos de España, 1868-1931, Madrid 1969
Román Oyarzun Oyarzun, Historia del carlismo, Madrid 2008, ISBN8497614488, 9788497614481, pp. 430–443
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