Bartley Crum
Bartley Crum (November 28, 1900 – December 9, 1959) was an American lawyer who became prominent as a member of the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry, his book on that experience, and for defending targets of HUAC, particularly the Hollywood Ten and Paul Robeson.[1][2][3][4] BackgroundBartley Cavanaugh Crum was born on November 28, 1900, in Sacramento, California, the son of James Henry Crum and Emma Cavanaugh.[3][5] He was raised Roman Catholic.[1] In 1922, he received a BA and in 1924 a JD from the University of California at Berkeley.[3] CareerCrum started his career as a teacher of English and International Law at UC Berkeley.[3] Neylan and HearstIn 1924, Crum joined the law offices of John Francis Neylan, chief attorney for newspaper magnate William Randolph Hearst. As a Hearst lawyer, Crum helped defend Clarence Darrow in 1933. "Darrow taught me more law than I had known before", Crum said later.[3] In 1934, Neylan, "along with Bartley Crum, a young associate who functioned as an administrative aide", called newspaper publishers together to take a stand against the 1934 West Coast Longshore Strike and accompanying San Francisco General strike.[6] According to ex-Popular Front, liberal journalist Sidney Roger, Neylan was the "mastermind" for the shipping industry to break the strikes by convincing Bay area newspapers of a "Communist plot", during which time Crum "became a strong supporter of the longshore union and Harry Bridges".[4] Kenny and NLGIn 1938, Crum left Neylan and set up a law office with Philip Ehrlich and David A. Silver. In 1938 or 1939, he joined the National Lawyers Guild (NLG) as an organization of progressive and communist lawyers to counter the conservative American Bar Association,[1] probably at the behest of friend and fellow liberal Republican Robert W. Kenny. In 1939, Crum helped defend Harry Bridges in one of his deportation hearings.[3] He also criticized the US policy during the Spanish Civil War and its aftermath.[3] In 1942, Crum was a vice president of NLG's local chapter.[2] In 1943, Crum served as president of the NLG's San Francisco chapter.[7] In 1943–1944, Crum sponsored American Youth for Democracy.[7] Wendell WillkieCrum worked in the 1940 and 1944 campaigns of U.S. presidential candidate Wendell Willkie.[2][3] In 1941, he became chairman for the Western US of "Fight for Freedom, Inc.", a group favoring intervention in World War II (in alignment with Wilkie).[3] In 1943, Crum served as special counsel on FDR's Fair Employment Practices Committee.[2][3] He also served as Willkie's liaison to FDR via David Niles. When Willkie failed to get the Republican presidential nomination in 1944, Crum helped form "Independent Republicans for Roosevelt" and campaigned for FDR, occasionally with Harry S. Truman.[2][3][4] In October 1944, Crum served as an attorney for Harry Bridges. In November 1944, Crum sent a letter to the Civil Service Commission on behalf of Larry Resner on the subject of loyalty charges.[7] On March 18, 1945, Crum signed a statement issued by the National Federation for Constitutional Liberties, advertised in the Daily Worker.[7] In September 1945, Crum chaired a rally of the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee (JAFRC), which featured an overseas call from Harold Laski.[2] By year end, Crum's clients included Owl Drug, United Drug, and Borden's Milk. He was national vice president of the NLG, national co-chair of the CIO-PAC, and California chair of United China War Relief. Rumor had it that he would succeed Harold L. Ickes as United States Secretary of the Interior.[2] Anglo-American Committee of InquiryOn January 1, 1946, Crum accepted an invitation to join the Anglo-American Commission of Inquiry on Palestine (AACIP) that advised President Harry Truman to support the opening of the British Mandate of Palestine to unrestricted Jewish immigration and to ease restrictions on Jewish land purchases.[2][3] On February 17, 1946, Crum announced in Vienna, Austria, that he expected to see "mass suicides" if European Jews did not receive permission to emigrate to Palestine.[8] His book, Behind the Silken Curtain a Personal Account of Anglo-American Diplomacy in Palestine and the Middle East was published by Simon & Schuster in 1947.[3] "He charged the British were up to their traditional divide-and-conquer policies."[4] When Clark Clifford, along with David Niles, took up the issue of recognition of the State of Israel, he received "advice and assistance" from Crum, Eliahu Epstein, and Max Lowenthal.[9] Israeli State Archives show that on May 11, 1948, Crum visited President Harry S. Truman: "Crum [Bartley Crum] saw President yesterday, returned fairly optimistic."[10] Crum became chairman of the national council of Americans for Haganah, whose director was David Wahl.[7] Hollywood TenAs vice president of the NLG's state chapter and with Kenny as president, Crum entered into increasingly prominent issues involving the civil rights of left-leaning people. In 1946, Crum answered Paul Robeson in his "crusade call" and endorsed the American Crusade Against Lynching (ACAL) organization.[11] The ACAL had been accused of socialist and communist connections, which led to the organization, including Crum, coming under close watch by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). The FBI tapped Crum's phones, opened his mail, and shadowed him constantly.[2] In 1946, Crum was a member of the national board of the Independent Citizens Committee of the Arts, Sciences and Professions (ICCASP), which also had a large branch in California, the Hollywood Independent Citizens Committee of the Arts, Sciences and Professions.[12] On July 9, 1946, Crum appeared on a radio program called "What's On Your Mind About Russia?"[7] In 1946–1947, Crum was vice chairman and a sponsor of the National Committee to Win the Peace, which joined another group that Crum sponsored called the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy.[7] At the end of 1946, as ICCASP merged with National Citizens Political Action Committee to form the Progressive Citizens Association (PCA), Crum became the PCA's national vice chairman.[7] In 1947, Crum served as attorney for some of the so-called "Hollywood Ten" (originally the "Unfriendly Nineteen"), subpoenaed to appear before the House Un-American Activities Committee. National Lawyers Guild members formed the core team, originally Charles Katz and Ben Margolis,[13][14] followed by Crum and Robert W. Kenny, followed by Martin Popper in Washington and Sam Rosenwein in New York.[15][16][17] During pre-hearing preparation, the Nineteen and their lawyers negotiated and agreed to a strategy of unanimity as well as a pledge to cite the First Amendment of the United States Constitution.[18] His daughter recalled:
She also recorded differences between communist and non-communist lawyers (in which latter camp Crum was), contrary to other accounts of greater unity among lawyers.[19] New York StarIn 1948, due to blowback from the HUAC Hollywood hearings, Crum moved his family from the San Francisco Bay area to New York City.[2] In 1948, Crum's name appeared as a member of the board of directors of the California Labor School, listed as a subversive organization by US Attorney General Tom C. Clark in December 1947 on the Attorney General's List of Subversive Organizations.[7] In May 1948, Joseph Starobin, foreign news editor of the Daily Worker, referred in print to Crum's "unquestionably progressive career".[7] In early June 1948, Crum appeared before the American Russian Institute and expressed his "Soviet sympathy" (according to the FBI)>[7] In June 1948, Crum bought a major interest in the dying PM newspaper with Joseph Fels Barnes from Marshall Field III, who maintained a minority interest. On June 23, 1948, they renamed PM as the New York Star.[3][20][21][22] Also in the 1948 United States presidential election, he supported Harry S. Truman (Democrat) over Thomas E. Dewey (Republican) and Henry A. Wallace (Progressive).[3] In January 1949, the Star folded, which helped undermine Crum's personal finances.[1] During that year, Crum joined Hays, Podell, Algase, Crum & Feuer with offices at 39 Broadway.[3] Continued politicsIn 1950, Crum's name came up in Congress during investigation into Truman advisor Max Lowenthal. On September 15, 1950, Lowenthal appeared before the House Un-American Activities Committee, commonly known as "HUAC", one of whose members was Richard Nixon, co–author of the Mundt-Nixon Bill. Already in August 1950, HUAC had re-subpoenaed four witness who had been part of Whittaker Chambers's Ware Group: Lee Pressman, Nathan Witt, Charles Kramer and John Abt. The committee had asked both Pressman and Kramer whether they knew Lowenthal; both confirmed. Lowenthal brought former U.S. Senator Burton K. Wheeler as counsel. After reviewing his curriculum vitae, the committee tried to link him with known Communist Party members and organizations. Crum was one of the persons claimed to be a member of the Communist Party or associated with it.[23][24] In the 1952 United States presidential election, Crum supported Adlai E. Stevenson (Democrat) over Dwight D. Eisenhower (Republican).[3] In 1953, syndicated columnist Westbrook Pegler wrote of Crum:
Teamsters involvementIn 1958, Crum became involved in a controversy with Jimmy Hoffa, head of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters ("Teamsters"). He had been trying to collect $210,000 in legal fees from the Teamsters for a client (lawyers represented by Godfrey P. Schmidt). He testified in before the United States Select Committee on Improper Activities in the Labor or Management Field.[3] DeathIn 1947 (prior to the HUAC hearings), Crum first took a combination of alcohol and barbiturates, from which he was revived.[2] In the early hours of February 9, 1949, a few days after the New York Star folded, Crum made a second suicide attempt, again with pills and alcohol. Doctors who treated him included Gregory Zilboorg, a psychiatrist who also treated Lillian Hellman.[2] By the late 1950s, long labeled a subversive,[19] Crum had lost most of his clients. Unable to cope with stress from the harassment, he successfully committed suicide on December 9, 1959, by washing down an entire bottle of seconal with whisky. His wife discovered his body at their home at 165 East Eightieth Street, New York City.[3] Personal lifeCrum married Anna Gertrude Bosworth, an author of novels and (later) a cookbook.[3] They had two children. The younger, son Bartley Crum Jr., committed suicide in 1953 by shooting himself with his grandfather's gun in his freshman year at Reed College.[26] The older, daughter Patricia Bosworth, became first a successful actress and then even more successful writer. In 1997, she wrote a family memoir, Anything Your Little Heart Desires, reminiscing about her father.[27] In 2017, she wrote a second memoir about her father, brother, and husbands, called The Men in My Life: Love and Art in 1950s Manhattan. She died from complications of the 2020 coronavirus pandemic.[28] In 1941, Crum moved his family from Berkeley to 763 Bay Street, San Francisco. In 1945, they moved again to 2626 Green Street, San Francisco. In 1948, they moved to New York City, where they lived at several addresses.[2] LegacyIn its obituary of Crum in 1959, the New York Times quoted Crum's stance on outlawing the CPUSA:
Assessing his daughter's 1997 memoir, the New York Times wrote that she remembered him as:
She also admitted, "My father informed on two colleagues already known to be Communists."[1][19] In 1978, during an interview regarding who came up with the idea of arguing the First over Fifth Amendment in October 1947, Carey McWilliams said:
As of late 1999, Boston University houses many of Crum's papers in the archive of his daughter.[30] In 2014, Larry Ceplair and Christopher Trumbo (son of Dalton Trumbo) criticized the portrait of Crum by daughter Patricia Bosworth in her memoir Anything Your Little Heart Desires over the issue of "unanimity" demanded among the Nineteen and their lawyers. They argue that Crum must have known about their strategy of unanimity, whereas Bosworth claimed he only learned later. Crum was no "innocent dupe", nor was his client Dmytryk. They support their critique by citing Crum's long-term membership in the National Lawyers Guild, with its strong communist partisans.[31] WorksCrum's book was the "President's favorite" (referring to Truman).[32] Albert Kahn of the Worker also endorsed the book, as did the New Masses and American Youth for Democracy.[7]
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