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傳統主義西班牙國家工團主義進攻委員會方陣
Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista
傳統主義西班牙國家工團主義進攻委員會方陣; Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista
	傳統主義西班牙國家工團主義進攻委員會方陣标志
全国首领	弗朗西斯科·佛朗哥（1937年－1975年）
成立	1937年4月19日
解散	1977年4月7日
合并自	西班牙長槍黨; 传统主义团契（英语：Traditionalist Communion）
继承者	西班牙长枪党 (1976年)
总部	馬德里阿爾卡拉街44號
党报	《向上》
青年组织	青年陣線全國代表團（英语：Frente de Juventudes）
学生组织	西班牙大學聯盟（英语：Sindicato Español Universitario）
妇女组织	妇女部（英语：Sección Femenina）
工會組織	西班牙工會組織（英语：Spanish Syndical Organization）
意識形態	長槍主義; 法西斯主義西班牙民族主義（英语：Spanish nationalism）; 國家工團主義; 民族保守主義[无关引用]; 社會保守主義 ; 西班牙傳統主義（英语：Traditionalism (Spain)）; 國家天主教主義（英语：National Catholicism）;
政治立場	極右翼
宗教信仰	羅馬天主教
官方色彩	紅色和黑色
党歌	《面向太阳（英语：Cara al Sol）》
党旗
	西班牙政治; 政党 · 选举

傳統主義西班牙國家工團主義進攻委員會方陣（西班牙語：Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista，缩写为FET y de las JONS）是西班牙历史上的一个极右翼政党。1937年4月19日，西班牙长枪党（西班牙国家工团主义进攻委员会方阵）和卡洛斯主义政党传统主义团契（英语：Traditionalist Communion）合并为傳統主義西班牙國家工團主義進攻委員會方陣。该党作为西班牙执政党及唯一的合法政党直至1977年被取缔。

註釋

^ Headquarters of the General Secretariat.^[1]

參考資料

^ El yugo y las flechas de Alcalá 44, desmontados. El País. 10 April 1977 [2021-02-26]. （原始内容存档于2021-05-09）.
^ Blinkhorn 2003，第10–11頁: "The Franco regime-the only European regime with a major radical fascist ingredient to survive long beyond 1945, and studied here by Paul Preston—is a useful example. Notwithstanding the aforementioned fascisant tendencies within the Spanish Catholic and monarchist right, radical fascism, in the form of the Falange (fused from 1934 with the JONS), was weak until 1936 when it began to expand rapidly, not least through the recruitment of disillusioned JAP-ists. [...] The product, like the Italian Fascist regime, was a compromise between radical fascism and conservative authoritarianism, in this case with unambiguous military and Church support. As Preston indicates, Falangism played a superficially prominent and important role for as long as it suited Franco, that is, until the mid-1940s, thereafter to be shunned into the sidings of Spanish political life."; Griffin & Feldman 2004，第82–83頁; Albanese & Hierro 2016，第54頁: "It was the FET-JONS, the main actor in Spain, which wanted the full fascistization of the country and which was mos active during the period in trying to achieve it through the so-called 'syndicalist revolution'. This should not come as a surprise; Falange did not need the fascistization process, since it was already fully fascist from the beginning. Further, relations between Falange and Italy had become increasingly stronger since the Spanish Civil War, to the extent that Mussolini saw the Spanish party at the main vehicle capable of transforming Spain into a fully fascist country. Similarly, FET-jons also regarded Mussolini's Italy as its main point of reference and even asked the authorities in Rome for advice about carrying out the fascistization process of the Francoist regime as effectively as possible."; Thomàs 2020，第38–39頁: "Al referirnos a fascismo español lo hacemos a dos organizaciones diferentes. En primer lugar al partido fascista Falange Española de las JONS, que existió entre 1934 y el 19 de abril de 1937; y en segundo, al partido único del régimen franquista, Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS, creado el último día citado y subsistente durante toda la vigencia del Franquismo -ni más ni menos que hasta abril de 1977, aunque en 1958 trocó su denominación por la de Movimiento Nacional. Existieron así dos organizaciones fascistas diferentes, aunque la segunda nació en parte de la primera y la integró."
^ Rossolinski, Grzegorz. Stepan Bandera: The Life and Afterlife of a Ukrainian Nationalist. Columbia University Press. 2014: 33.

參考書目

Payne, Stanley G. The Franco Regime, 1936–1975. Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press. 1987. ISBN 978-0-299-11074-1.

[2] Headquarters of the General Secretariat.^[1]

[1] El yugo y las flechas de Alcalá 44, desmontados. El País. 10 April 1977 [2021-02-26]. （原始内容存档于2021-05-09）.

[3] Blinkhorn 2003，第10–11頁: "The Franco regime-the only European regime with a major radical fascist ingredient to survive long beyond 1945, and studied here by Paul Preston—is a useful example. Notwithstanding the aforementioned fascisant tendencies within the Spanish Catholic and monarchist right, radical fascism, in the form of the Falange (fused from 1934 with the JONS), was weak until 1936 when it began to expand rapidly, not least through the recruitment of disillusioned JAP-ists. [...] The product, like the Italian Fascist regime, was a compromise between radical fascism and conservative authoritarianism, in this case with unambiguous military and Church support. As Preston indicates, Falangism played a superficially prominent and important role for as long as it suited Franco, that is, until the mid-1940s, thereafter to be shunned into the sidings of Spanish political life."; Griffin & Feldman 2004，第82–83頁; Albanese & Hierro 2016，第54頁: "It was the FET-JONS, the main actor in Spain, which wanted the full fascistization of the country and which was mos active during the period in trying to achieve it through the so-called 'syndicalist revolution'. This should not come as a surprise; Falange did not need the fascistization process, since it was already fully fascist from the beginning. Further, relations between Falange and Italy had become increasingly stronger since the Spanish Civil War, to the extent that Mussolini saw the Spanish party at the main vehicle capable of transforming Spain into a fully fascist country. Similarly, FET-jons also regarded Mussolini's Italy as its main point of reference and even asked the authorities in Rome for advice about carrying out the fascistization process of the Francoist regime as effectively as possible."; Thomàs 2020，第38–39頁: "Al referirnos a fascismo español lo hacemos a dos organizaciones diferentes. En primer lugar al partido fascista Falange Española de las JONS, que existió entre 1934 y el 19 de abril de 1937; y en segundo, al partido único del régimen franquista, Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS, creado el último día citado y subsistente durante toda la vigencia del Franquismo -ni más ni menos que hasta abril de 1977, aunque en 1958 trocó su denominación por la de Movimiento Nacional. Existieron así dos organizaciones fascistas diferentes, aunque la segunda nació en parte de la primera y la integró."

[4] Rossolinski, Grzegorz. Stepan Bandera: The Life and Afterlife of a Ukrainian Nationalist. Columbia University Press. 2014: 33.

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