^Webman 2009, p. 29: "The Nakba represented the defeat, displacement, dispossession, exile, dependence, insecurity, lack of statehood, and fight for survival of the Palestinians."
^Sa'di 2002, p. 175: "for Palestinians, Al-Nakbah represents, among many other things, the loss of the homeland, the disintegration of society, the frustration of national aspirations, and the beginning of a hasty process of destruction of their culture."
^Webman 2009, p. 29: "The Nakba represented the defeat, displacement, dispossession, exile, dependence, insecurity, lack of statehood, and fight for survival of the Palestinians."
^Sa'di 2002, p. 175: "for Palestinians, Al-Nakbah represents, among many other things, the loss of the homeland, the disintegration of society, the frustration of national aspirations, and the beginning of a hasty process of destruction of their culture."
^Sayigh 2023, pp. 285 ("Nakba entailed a continuing state of rightlessness"), 288 n. 12 ("the Nakba was not limited to 1948") and 288 n. 13 ("Palestinians were attacked in Jordan in ‘Black September’, 1970, with heavy casualties; in Lebanon during the civil war of 1975–1990, including the massacre of Tal al-Zaater [1976]; during the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982, with the massacre of Sabra/ Shatila; during the Battle of the Camps 1985–1988; and again in 2007 with the Lebanese Army’s attack on Nahr al-Bared camp. Palestinians were evicted from Kuwait in 1990, and again in 2003; expelled from Libya in 1994–1995; evicted by landlords in Iraq in 2003. In Syria, 4,027 have been killed and 120,00 displaced so far in the current civil war. Israeli attacks against Gaza have been continuous: 2008–2009, 2012, 2014, 2018, 2019 ... In the Occupied West Bank, attacks by armed Israeli settlers are frequent [Amnesty 2017].");
Pappe 2021, pp. 70-71 ("[p. 70] The incremental colonization, ethnic cleansing, and oppression occurring daily in historical Palestine is usually ignored by the world media.") and 80 ("The Palestinians refer to their current situation quite often as al-Nakba al-Mustamera, the ongoing Nakba. The original Nakba or catastrophe occurred in 1948, when Israel ethnically cleansed half of the Palestinian population and demolished half of their villages and most of their towns. The world ignored that crime and absolved Israel from any responsibility. Since then, the settler-colonial state of Israel has attempted to complete the ethnic cleansing of 1948.");
Khalidi 2020, p. 75, "None were allowed to return, and most of their homes and villages were destroyed to prevent them from doing so.38 Still more were expelled from the new state of Israel even after the armistice agreements of 1949 were signed, while further numbers have been forced out since then. In this sense the Nakba can be understood as an ongoing process.";
Shenhav 2019, p. 49, "To be sure, the ethnic cleansing of Palestine did not begin or end in 1948. It started back in the 1920s, with an aggressive acquisition and takeover of lands that reached a peak in 1948 and again in 1967. The ethnic cleansing continues in the present day by other means: the silent transfer in Jerusalem; the settlements and the expropriation of land in the West Bank; the communal settlements in the Galilee for Jews only; the new Citizenship decree (which bans Palestinian citizens from bringing their Palestinian spouses into Israel, thanks to the emergency laws); the “unrecognized Palestinian villages” constantly under the threat of destruction; the incessant demolition of Bedouin houses in the south; the omission of Arabic on road signs; the prohibition on importing literature from Arab countries, and many others. One telling example is the fact that not one Arab town or village has been established in Israel since 1948.";
Bashir & Goldberg 2018, pp. 7 ("The Nakba is an explicitly continuing present. Its consequences as well as the eliminatory colonial ideas and practices that informed it are still unfolding, being deployed, and affecting contemporary Palestinian life. Its aftermath of suffering and political weakness affects almost every Palestinian and Palestinian family, along with the Palestinian collective, on a near-daily basis.") and 33 n. 4 ("In Palestinian writings the signifier “Nakba” came to designate two central meanings, which will be used in this volume interchangeably: (1) the 1948 disaster and (2) the ongoing occupation and colonization of Palestine that reached its peak in the catastrophe of 1948.");
Khoury 2018, pp. xiii–xv, "[p. xiii] The Nakba’s initial bloody chapters were written with the forceful ethnic cleansing of Palestinians in 1948 ... This proves the error of some Arab historians who considered the Nakba a historic event whose place is set firmly in the past. The everyday reality of life in Palestine clearly indicates that the 1948 war was merely the beginning of the catastrophic event. It did not end when the cease-fire agreements of 1949 were signed. In fact, 1948 was the beginning of a phenomenon that continues to this day ... [p. xiv] The Nakba continues to this day even for those Israeli Palestinians who were denied their label of national identity as “Palestinians” and are now referred to as “Israeli Arabs.” ... While the continuing Nakba is obscured from view in Israel by the laws and legislation approved by the Israeli parliament, the Nakba is very conspicuous in Jerusalem, the West Bank, and Gaza. Those lands occupied in 1967 are subject to military laws, while settlements proliferate in every corner: from Jerusalem, which is being suffocated by Jewish settlements, to the West Bank, through to the Jordan Valley. Repression, administrative detentions, and outright killing have become daily institutionalized practices. Israel, in fact, has built a comprehensive apartheid system shored up by settler-only roads that circumvent Palestinian cities, the wall of separation that tears up and confiscates Palestinian cities and villages, and the many checkpoints that have made moving from one Palestinian Bantustan to the next a daily ordeal. The consequences of the continuing Nakba are nowhere clearer than in Jerusalem and Hebron, where settlers plant their communities among Palestinians, closing roads and turning ordinary chores into a daily nightmare. They reach the peak of inhumanity by transforming Gaza into the biggest open-air prison in the world.";
Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017, pp. 393 ("We use “Nakba” to refer to an event and a process. The event refers to the dismantlement of Palestine and Palestinian society in 1948 as a result of the establishment of Israel and the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians from the part of Palestine on which Israel was established. The process refers to the continuation of what started in 1948 until today in the forms of dispossession, exile, colonization, and occupation."), 405 ("the Palestinian catastrophe that has been continuing for close to seven decades"), 407 ("Israel continued the ethnic cleansing well into the early 1950s"), and 422-423 ("This emerging differentiation between the Nakba as a traumatic and rapturous event and the Nakba as an ongoing process is of utmost importance ... Support for the increasing awareness of the Nakba as an ongoing structural process rather than a memory of a discrete historical event with a beginning and an end, and support for the realization that the Nakba also includes the Palestinians in Israel, can be found in the gradual emergence of certain sentiments ... the continued Nakba is the other side of the colonial project of the Jewish state.");
Rashed, Short & Docker 2014, pp. 1 ([Abstract] "The paper suggests that the ‘Nakba’ of 1948, which was based on appropriation of the land of Palestine without its people, comprising massacres, physical destruction of villages, appropriation of land, property and culture, can be seen as an ongoing process and not merely a historical event.") and 12-18 ("[p. 12] The concept of an ‘ongoing’ Nakba is not a new one for Palestinians ...");
Masalha 2012, pp. 5 ("The clearing out and displacement of the Palestinians did not end with the 1948 war, the Israeli authorities continued to ‘transfer’ (a euphemism for the removal of Palestinians from the land), dispossess and colonise Palestinians during the 1950s"), 12-14 ("[p. 12] The Nakba as a continuing trauma occupies a central place in the Palestinian psyche ... [p. 13] With millions still living under Israeli colonialism, occupation or in exile, the Nakba remains at the heart of both Palestinian national identity and political resistance ... [p. 14] the Nakba and ethnic cleansing of Palestinians from Jerusalem and other parts of the West Bank are continuing"), 75 ("The pattern of Israeli massacres of Palestinian civilians established in 1948 has been maintained: for example, the massacres at Qibya in October 1953, the al-Azazme tribes in March 1955, Kafr Qasim on 29 October 1956, Samo‘a in the 1960s, the villages of the Galilee during Land Day on 30 March 1976, Sabra and Shatila on 16–18 September 1982, al-Khalil (Hebron) on 25 February 1994, Kfar Qana in 1999, Wadi Ara in 2000, the Jenin refugee camp on 13 April 2002, the mass killing during the popular Palestinian uprisings (intifadas) against Israeli occupation in the West Bank and Gaza (1987–1993 and 2000–2002), Gaza (December 2008–January 2009), the Gaza flotilla raid on 31 May 2010."), 251 ("The processes of ethnic cleansing and transfer in Palestine continue."), and 254 ("While the Holocaust is an event in the past, the Nakba did not end in 1948. For Palestinians, mourning sixty-three years of al-Nakba is not just about remembering the ‘ethnic cleansing’ of 1948, it is also about marking the ongoing dispossession and dislocation. Today the trauma of the Nakba continues: the ongoing forced displacement of Palestinians caused by Israeli colonisation of the West Bank, land confiscation, continued closures and invasions, de facto annexation facilitated by Israel’s 730-kilometre ‘apartheid wall’ in the occupied West Bank, and the ongoing horrific siege of Gaza. Palestinians in Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem are denied access to land, water and other basic resources. Today the Nakba continues through the ‘politics of denial’. There are millions of Palestinian refugees around the world, all of whom are denied their internationally recognised ‘right of return’ to their homes and land. The memory, history, rights and needs of Palestinian refugees have been excluded not only from recent Middle East peacemaking efforts but also from Palestinian top-down and elite approaches to the refugee issue (Boqai’ and Rempel 2003). The ongoing ethnic cleansing of Palestinians from Jerusalem, the West Bank and the Naqab, and the failure of both the Israeli state and the international community to acknowledge 1948 as such, continue to underpin the Palestine–Israel conflict ...");
Lentin 2010, p. 111, "Non-Zionist scholars operate a different timescale and highlight the continuities between wartime policies and post-1948 ethnic cleansing. They treat the Nakba as the beginning of an ongoing policy of expulsion and expropriation, rather than a fait accompli which ended a long time ago.";
Abu-Lughod & Sa'di 2007, pp. 10 ("For Palestinians, still living their dispossession, still struggling or hoping for return, many under military occupation, many still immersed in matters of survival, the past is neither distant nor over ... the Nakba is not over yet; after almost sixty years neither the Palestinians nor Israelis have yet achieved a state of normality; the violence and uprooting of Palestinians continues.") and 18-19 ("One of the most important is that the past represented by the cataclysmic Nakba is not past. What happened in 1948 is not over, either because Palestinians are still living the consequences or because similar processes are at work in the present ... . Their dispersion has continued, their status remains unresolved, and their conditions, especially in the refugee camps, can be miserable. For those with the class backgrounds or good fortune to have rebuilt decent lives elsewhere, whether in the United States, Kuwait, or Lebanon, the pain may be blunted. But for those in the vicinity of Israel, the assaults by the Zionist forces that culminated in the expulsions of the Nakba have not actually ceased. The Palestinians who remained within the borders of the new state were subjected to military rule for the first twenty years. Then in 1967, with the military occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, there was another dislocating assault. In 1982 Israel bombarded and invaded Lebanon, causing mass destruction, the routing of the PLO, and then a massacre in the refugee camps. With Palestinian resistance in the occupied territories (the two intifadas), the violence escalated. Hardly a week goes by now when Palestinians are not shelled, shot, “assassinated,” arrested, taken to prison, or tortured. Not a day goes by when they are not humiliated at checkpoints or prevented from moving about by the Israeli army. The confrontation continues and with it the funerals, the house demolitions, the deportations, and the exodus. The usurping of water, the confiscation of land, the denial of legal rights, and the harassment also continue.");
Jayyusi 2007, pp. 109-110 ("The unfolding trajectory of continuous dispossession and upheaval experienced at the hands of the Israeli state was to reshape the space of the collective narrative over time. It was to become obvious that the Nakba was not the last collective site of trauma, but what came later to be seen, through the prism of repeated dispossessions and upheavals, as the foundational station in an unfolding and continuing saga of dispossession, negations, and erasure.") and 114-116
^Ashrawi, Hanan (28 August 2001). “Address by Ms. Hanan Ashrawi”. www.i-p-o.org. World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia, and Related Intolerances. 4 March 2021時点のオリジナルよりアーカイブ。2023年10月11日閲覧。 “a nation in captivity held hostage to an ongoing Nakba, as the most intricate and pervasive expression of persistent colonialism, 'apartheid, racism, and victimization'”
^Sa'di & Abu-Lughod 2007, p. 10: "For Palestinians, still living their dispossession, still struggling or hoping for return, many under military occupation, many still immersed in matters of survival, the past is neither distant nor over. Unlike many historical experiences discussed in the literature on trauma, such as the Blitz, the merciless bombing of Hamburg and Dresden by the Allies at the closing stage of World War II, the Holocaust, the Algerian War of Independence, or the World Trade Center attack, which lasted for a limited period of time (the longest being the Algerian war of independence, lasting eight years), the Nakba is not over yet; after almost sixty years neither the Palestinians nor Israelis have yet achieved a state of normality; the violence and uprooting of Palestinians continues."
^Manna' 2013, p. 87: "Contrary to what many think, particularly in Israel, the Nakba was not a one-time event connected to the war in Palestine and its immediate catastrophic repercussions on the Palestinians. Rather, and more correctly, it refers to the accumulated Palestinian experience since the 1948 war up to the present. After the Oslo agreements in 1993, there were hopes that the stateless Palestinian people would soon earn freedom and independence. However, the failure of the peace process to end the Israeli occupation and allow the birth of an independent Palestinian state alongside Israel pushed the Palestinians back to square one. Furthermore, the erup- tion of a new cycle of violence which began in September 2000 added new dimensions to the disintegration of Palestinian society. For many Palestinians, these more recent events are adding new chapters and new meanings to the long-lived catastrophe since 1948."
^Dajani 2005, p. 42: "The nakba is the experience that has perhaps most defined Palestinian history. For the Palestinian, it is not merely a political event — the establishment of the state of Israel on 78 percent of the territory of the Palestine Mandate, or even, primarily a humanitarian one — the creation of the modern world's most enduring refugee problem. The nakba is of existential significance to Palestinians, representing both the shattering of the Palestinian community in Palestine and the consolidation of a shared national consciousness."
^Abu-Lughod & Sa'di 2007, p. 3: "For Palestinians, the 1948 War led indeed to a "catastrophe." A society disintegrated, a people dispersed, and a complex and historically changing but taken for granted communal life was ended violently. The Nakba has thus become, both in Palestinian memory and history, the demarcation line between two qualitatively opposing periods. After 1948, the lives of the Palestinians at the individual, community, and national level were dramatically and irreversibly changed."
^Khalidi, Rashid I. (1992). “Observations on the Right of Return”. Journal of Palestine Studies21 (2): 29–40. doi:10.2307/2537217. JSTOR2537217. "Only by understanding the centrality of the catastrophe of politicide and expulsion that befell the Palestinian people – al-nakba in Arabic – is it possible to understand the Palestinians' sense of the right of return"
^Bashir & Goldberg 2018, p. 33, footnote 4: "In Palestinian writings the signifier “Nakba" came to designate two central meanings, which will be used in this volume interchangeably: (1) the 1948 disaster and (2) the ongoing occupation and colonization of Palestine that reached its peak in the catastrophe of 1948"
^Abu-Laban & Bakan 2022, p. 511;
Manna 2022, p. 17;
Pappe 2022, pp. 121 and 128 ("Half of the villages had been destroyed, flattened by Israeli bulldozers ...");
Khalidi 2020, p. 73, "conquest and depopulation ... of scores of Arab cities, towns, and villages";
Shenhav 2019, p. 49, "abolition of hundreds of Palestinian towns and villages";
Bashir & Goldberg 2018, p. 1, "destruction of hundreds of villages and urban neighborhoods ... evacuation of villages";
Cohen 2017, p. 80;
Pappe 2017, p. 66, "In a matter of seven months, 531 villages were destroyed and eleven urban neighborhoods emptied."
Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017, p. 400, "Palestinian cities whose inhabitants were almost completely forced out ... hundreds of evacuated and destroyed towns";
Rashed, Short & Docker 2014, p. 10 (quoting Mark Levene) "With at least 5,000 men, women, and children slaughtered in the massacres, 531 villages and 11 major towns destroyed and up to 800,000 folk uprooted, mostly into exile, the point of Pappe’s effort can only be affirmed.";
Manna 2013, p. 91;
Khoury 2012, p. 259;
Masalha 2012, pp. 3 ("over 500 villages and towns and a whole country and its people disappeared from international maps and dictionaries ... Walid Khalidi ... listed 418 depopulated and destroyed villages. However, Salman Abu-Sitta's figure of 531 includes 77 destroyed Bedouin villages in the south"), 7 ("coastal cities of Palestine — Jaffa, Haifa and Acre — were largely depopulated"), 74 ("hundreds of villages had been completely depopulated and their houses blown up or bulldozed"), 90-91 ("Of the 418 depopulated villages documented by Khalidi, 293 (70 per cent) were totally destroyed and 90 (22 per cent) were largely destroyed."), 107 ("nearly 500 destroyed and depopulated villages"), and 115 ("towns and villages of southern Palestine, including the cities of Beer Sheba and al-Majdal, were completely depopulated");
Wolfe 2012, p. 161 n.1, "According to official Israeli estimates, over 85% of Palestinian villages were ‘abandoned’ in the Nakba, 218 villages being listed as destroyed.";
Davis 2011, pp. 7 ("destruction of more than four hundred villages ... depopulation of Palestinians from cities"), 9 ("418 villages that were emptied"), and 237 n. 20 ("The total number of depopulated villages, hamlets, settlements, and towns is estimated to be between 290 and 472. The most comprehensive study and the clearest on its methods for including and eliminating population settlements is the massive All That Remains (W. Khalidi 1992), which estimates the number of villages to be 418. According to this study, Israeli topographical maps chart 290 villages, Benny Morris’s 1987 study lists 369, and the Palestinian encyclopedia published by Hay’at al-Mawsu‘a al-Filastiniyya gives 391 (among other sources on the subject).");
Ghanim 2009, p. 25, "about 531 villages were deliberately destroyed";
Kimmerling 2008, p. 280, "Most of their villages, towns, and neighborhoods were destroyed or repopulated by Jewish residents";
Sa'di 2007, pp. 293-297 ("[p. 297] destruction of some 420 Palestinian towns and villages")
^Slater, Jerome (2020). Mythologies Without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1917-2020. Oxford University Press. pp. 406. ISBN0190459085
^Abu-Laban & Bakan 2022, p. 511, "over 80 per cent";
Pappe 2022, p. 128, "Three-quarters of a million Palestinians ... almost 90 per cent";
Khalidi 2020, p. 60, "Some 80 percent ... At least 720,000 ...";
Slater 2020, pp. 81 ("about 750,000"), 83 ("over 80 percent"), and 350 ("It is no longer a matter of serious dispute that in the 1947–48 period—beginning well before the Arab invasion in May 1948—some 700,000 to 750,000 Palestinians were expelled from or fled their villages and homes in Israel in fear of their lives—an entirely justifiable fear, in light of massacres carried out by Zionist forces.");
Shenhav 2019, p. 49, "750,000";
Bashir & Goldberg 2018, p. 7, "some 750,000";
Bishara 2017, pp. 138 ("expelled close to 750,000") and 148 n. 21 ("number of the refugees displaced ranged between 700,000 and 900,000";
Bäuml 2017, p. 105, "approximately 750,000";
Cohen 2017, p. 87, "approximately 700,000 ... between half a million and a million";
Manna 2013, pp. 93 ("approximately 750,000") and 99 n. 12 ("Recently, both Palestinian and Israeli scholars seem to agree on this estimate of 700,000–750,000 refugees.");
Masalha 2012, pp. 2, "about 90 per cent ... 750,000 refugees";
Wolfe 2012, p. 133, "some three quarters of a million";
Davis 2011, pp. 7 ("more than 750,000") and 237 n. 21 ("Most scholars generally agree with the UN number, which it was somewhere in the vicinity of 750,000");
Lentin 2010, pp. 6 ("at least 80 per cent") and 7 ("more than 700,000");
Ghanim 2009, p. 25, "Around 750,000-900,000";
Kimmerling 2008, p. 280, "700,000 to 900,000";
Morris 2008, p. 407, "some seven hundred thousand";
Sa'di 2007, pp. 297, "at least 780,000 ... more than 80 percent"
^Golani, Motti; Manna, Adel (2011). Two sides of the coin: independence and Nakba, 1948: two narratives of the 1948 War and its outcome. Institute for Historical Justice and Reconciliation. p. 14. ISBN978-90-8979-080-4. https://books.google.com/books?id=w_-FBAAAQBAJ&pg=PA1414 November 2023閲覧. "The Palestinians regard the Nakba and its repercussions as a formative trauma defining their identity and their national, moral, and political aspirations. As a result of the 1948 war, the Palestinian people, which to a large degree lost their country to the establishment of a Jewish state for the survivors of the Holocaust, developed a victimized national identity. From their perspective, the Palestinians have been forced to pay for the Jewish Holocaust with their bodies, their property, and their freedom instead of those who were truly responsible. Jewish Israelis, in contrast, see the war and its outcome not merely as an act of historical justice that changed the historical course of the Jewish people, which until that point had been filled with suffering and hardship, but also as a birth – the birth of Israel as an independent Jewish state after two thousand years of exile. As such, it must be pure and untainted, because if a person, a nation, or a state is born in sin, its entire essence is tainted. In this sense, discourse on the war is not at all historical but rather current and extremely sensitive. Its power and intensity is directly influenced by present day events. In the Israeli and the Palestinian cases, therefore, the 1948 war plays a pivotal role in two simple, clear, unequivocal, and harmonious narratives, with both peoples continuing to see the war as a formative event in their respective histories."
^Partner, Nancy (2008). “The Linguistic Turn along Post-Postmodern Borders: Israeli/Palestinian Narrative Conflict”. New Literary History39 (4): 823–845. doi:10.1353/nlh.0.0065. JSTOR20533118.
Abu-Laban, Yasmeen; Bakan, Abigail B. (July 2022). “Anti-Palestinian Racism and Racial Gaslighting” (英語). The Political Quarterly93 (3): 508–516. doi:10.1111/1467-923X.13166.
Gutman, Yifat; Tirosh, Noam (August 2021). “Balancing Atrocities and Forced Forgetting: Memory Laws as a Means of Social Control in Israel” (英語). Law & Social Inquiry46 (3): 705–730. doi:10.1017/lsi.2020.35.
Kapshuk, Yoav; Strömbom, Lisa (November 2021). “Israeli Pre-Transitional Justice and the Nakba Law” (英語). Israel Law Review54 (3): 305–323. doi:10.1017/S0021223721000157.
Khoury, Nadim (January 2020). “Postnational memory: Narrating the Holocaust and the Nakba” (英語). Philosophy & Social Criticism46 (1): 91–110. doi:10.1177/0191453719839448.
Masalha, Nur (July 2009). “60 Years after the Nakba: Hisotrical Truth, Collective Memory and Ethical Obligations” (英語). イスラーム世界研究3 (1): 37–88. doi:10.14989/87466. hdl:2433/87466.
Mori, Mariko (July 2009). “Zionism and the Nakba: The Mainstream Narrative, the Oppressed Narratives, and the Israeli Collective Memory” (英語). イスラーム世界研究3 (1): 89–107. doi:10.14989/87465. hdl:2433/87465.
Nassar, Maha (September 2023). “Exodus , Nakba Denialism, and the Mobilization of Anti-Arab Racism” (英語). Critical Sociology49 (6): 1037–1051. doi:10.1177/08969205221132878.
Ram, Uri (September 2009). “Ways of Forgetting: Israel and the Obliterated Memory of the Palestinian Nakba” (英語). Journal of Historical Sociology22 (3): 366–395. doi:10.1111/j.1467-6443.2009.01354.x.
Rashed, Haifa; Short, Damien; Docker, John (May 2014). “Nakba Memoricide: Genocide Studies and the Zionist/Israeli Genocide of Palestine” (英語). Holy Land Studies13 (1): 1–23. doi:10.3366/hls.2014.0076.
Wolfe, Patrick (January 2012). “Purchase by Other Means: The Palestine Nakba and Zionism's Conquest of Economics” (英語). Settler Colonial Studies2 (1): 133–171. doi:10.1080/2201473X.2012.10648830.
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