Recognition of same-sex unions in Poland

Poland does not legally recognize same-sex marriages or civil unions. In 2012, the Supreme Court ruled that same-sex couples have limited legal rights with regard to the tenancy of a shared household. A few laws also guarantee certain limited rights to cohabiting couples, including same-sex couples. Same-sex spouses of European Union citizens also have access to residency rights under a June 2018 ruling from the European Court of Justice.

Article 18 of the Polish Constitution,[1] adopted in 1997, was frequently interpreted as banning same-sex marriage,[2][3][4][5][6][7][8][9][10][11] but a 2022 court ruling states that it does not preclude its recognition.[12][13] In December 2023, the European Court of Human Rights ruled in Przybyszewska and Others v. Poland that Poland was violating Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights by not recognizing same-sex unions, and placed a positive obligation on the government to introduce a same-sex partnership law and recognise unions legally contracted abroad.[14] A bill creating civil unions was introduced to the Parliament of Poland in October 2024.[15] Polling suggests that a majority of Polish people support the legal recognition of registered partnerships and same-sex marriage.[16][17]

Unregistered cohabitation

Background

Historical research has shown that during the time of the Second Polish Republic some couples established "marriage contracts" and lived together in joint households. A known partnership involved Marian Kuleszyński and Stefan Góralski, both residents of the Suwałki Region in the early 1920s. While their relationship lacked formal legal status and was kept confidential, the pair entered into a de facto agreement grounded in fidelity, an expectation of enduring commitment, and a "friendship for life oath". This oath comprised stipulations for mutual defense, support, and the safeguarding of the relationship's confidentiality.[18]

In 2004, the Public Transport Authority of Warsaw announced it would allow the cohabiting partners of gay and lesbian employees to travel free on the city's public transport system, marking the first case of recognition of same-sex relationships in Poland. In 2007, the City Center of Social Assistance of Chorzów said it would recognize persons cohabiting in the same household as a family for purposes associated with the center. In 2011, Polish writer Izabela Filipiak successfully obtained a residency card for her female American partner.[19] In addition, a lesbian couple was granted the right to register her and her partner's name on the birth certificate of their British-born son in 2018.[20][21]

Statutory laws

A same-sex couple (right) at the Kraków Equality March in 2017

While Poland does not have a specific law on cohabitation, there are some provisions in various legal acts that recognise relations between unmarried partners and grant specific rights and obligations. For example, article 115(11) of the Penal Code uses the term "closest person" (Polish: osoba najbliższa), defined as "a spouse, an ascendant, descendant, brother or sister, relative by marriage in the same line or degree, a person in an adopted relation, as well as his or her spouse, and a domestic partner". The status of "closest person" provides the right to refuse to testify against the partner under article 182 of the Code of Criminal Procedure. However, the term "domestic partner" is not explicitly defined. In February 2016, the Supreme Court of Poland ruled 6–1 that the term "domestic partner" includes same-sex couples and as such that a person in a same-sex relationship may refuse to testify.[22][23]

Other laws also provide limited recognition to same-sex couples. Since 2004, when one partner is entitled to social benefits, the income of the other partner is also taken into consideration. Under article 6.14 of the Social Aid Act of 12 March 2004, entitlement to social benefits is dependent on the income per person in a family. The term "family" is used in the act to refer to people who are married, in a de facto partnership, living together and have a common household. In addition, article 3.1(2) of the Patients' Rights Act of 6 November 2008 allows a person to be considered as "next of kin" for medical purposes if their partner suffers an accident or is seriously ill. The definition of "next of kin" includes a "person in a durable partnership" (osoba w trwałym pożyciu).[24][25][26][27][28][29]

Court cases

On 23 February 2007, the Białystok Regional Court dealt with the resolution of a financial dispute concerning the division of assets between two same-sex partners after the end of their relationship. It held that "cohabitation (konkubinat) should be understood as a stable, de facto personal and material community of two people. Gender is irrelevant in this context. [...] There are no grounds for applying different rules to the settlement of homosexual cohabitation from those applicable to heterosexual cohabitation." The Supreme Court upheld the lower court ruling on 6 December 2007, holding that "the constitutional protection of marriage does not mean that forms of cohabitation other than marriage are prohibited by law. There is also no doubt that property settlements between persons in non-marital unions are permissible and that such persons may claim protection with regard to property relations arising during the existence of such a union."[30]

With regard to housing benefits, the Gliwice Regional Administrative Court ruled on 10 January 2008 that "within the meaning of section 4 of the Act of 21 June 2001 on housing benefits, the circle of persons permanently residing in and running a household with a person applying for a housing allowance... may include persons regardless of the family relationship between them and the applicant, including persons in a de facto relationship with the applicant, regardless of their sex".[31] In 2010, a court in Złotów ruled that the same-sex partner of a woman who had died was entitled to continue the lease on their communal apartment. The municipality appealed the verdict, but an appellate court in Poznań rejected the appeal. "The court found that these women actually remained in a stable partnership. Any other interpretation would lead to discrimination based on sexual orientation," said Judge Adam Jutrzenka-Trzebiatowski.[32] On 21 October 2015, the Łódź Regional Administrative Court dismissed an application by a woman to have her family name changed to that of her same-sex partner.[31]

On 28 November 2012, the Supreme Court ruled, in case III CZP 65/12, that the term "person living in cohabitation with the tenant" (osoba pozostająca we wspólnym pożyciu z najemcą) in article 691(1) of the Civil Code includes a person of the same sex. This case involved a gay man whose partner, the main tenant of their shared apartment, had died. The court interpreted the law in a way that recognised the surviving partner as authorised to take over the right to tenancy.[33][34] Previously, in March 2010, the European Court of Human Rights had ruled in the case of Kozak v. Poland that a person in a same-sex relationship has the right to inherit from their partner.[35] With regard to tenancy rights, the Warsaw Court of Appeal ruled on 26 June 2014 that:[36]

There are no convincing reasons in the case-law or any sociological or psychological arguments in favour of distinguishing on a legal basis between the effects resulting from heterosexual and homosexual cohabitation (konkubinat); on the contrary, the emotional, physical and economic bonds arising from such cohabitation are the same in both cases and can create an equally strong bond. [...] At present, the concept of cohabitation refers to the permanent common life of two persons, regardless of their sex. Constitutional considerations, that is, the guarantee of equal treatment established in Article 32 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland and the corresponding prohibition of any discrimination on the grounds of, inter alia, sexual orientation, support the recognition that a refusal to provide insurance cover to same-sex persons who are cohabitating constitutes discrimination on grounds of sexual orientation.

Registered partnerships

Laws regarding same-sex partnerships in Europe¹

  Marriage

  Civil union

  Limited domestic recognition (cohabitation)

  Limited foreign recognition (residency rights)

  Unrecognized

  Constitution limits marriage to opposite-sex couples

¹ May include recent laws or court decisions that have not yet entered into effect.

---

• v
• t
• e

Registered partnerships (Polish: rejestrowany związek partnerski, pronounced [rɛ.jɛstrɔˈvanɨ ˈzvjɔ̃zɛk parˈtnɛrskʲi])[a] are not available in Poland, despite several previous unsuccessful attempts to change the law. The first bill to recognise registered partnerships was introduced in 2002. In 2023, the European Court of Human Rights issued a ruling obliging Poland to legally recognize same-sex unions.[31]

Early bills

The first legislative proposal to recognise registered partnerships was proposed in 2002, but did not advance.[38] In November 2004, the Senate of Poland approved a bill allowing same-sex couples to register their relationships as civil unions. The civil unions proposed by the bill would have given couples a range of benefits, protections and responsibilities granted only to married opposite-sex couples, including pension funds and joint tax and death-related benefits, but excluding the right to adopt children. The bill was passed with 38 votes in favour, 23 against and 15 abstentions. However, it lapsed due to the 2005 general election.[39] Only two parties, the Democratic Left Alliance – Labour Union and the Social Democracy of Poland, supported the bill, while Civic Platform (PO), the League of Polish Families and Law and Justice (PiS) opposed it. The Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland was neutral, and the Polish People's Party (PSL) did not take a position.[40]

A new registered partnership bill was proposed in late 2007, but was opposed by the government and rejected. In 2008, another bill was drafted by the opposition Democratic Left Alliance (SLD), but was eventually not introduced to the Parliament of Poland due to its low chances of success.[41]

In June 2009, gay and lesbian organisations submitted a petition calling for the legalization of registered partnerships to the Speaker of the Sejm, Bronisław Komorowski.[42] Some politicians from parties opposed to same-sex unions, including Jerzy Buzek (PO) and Michał Kamiński (PiS), had expressed support for certain rights being granted to same-sex couples.[43] Attitudes from some representatives of the Catholic Church had also changed.[44] In January 2010, the opposition SLD, in consultation with LGBT organisations, prepared a draft law on registered partnerships, modelled on the bill approved by the Senate in 2004 and similar to the French civil solidarity pact (PACS).[45] However, the bill stood little chance of passing in Parliament as PO, PiS and PSL announced that they would not support it.[46][47][48][49]

On 17 May 2011, the SLD presented a new draft law on registered partnerships, again modelled on the French PACS law.[50][51] Agnieszka Pomaska, the Deputy Secretary-General of Civic Platform, commented that it was "time to discuss the legal regulation of informal relationships both opposite-sex and same-sex" and that her party was "open to discussing registered partnerships".[50][52] Prime Minister Donald Tusk announced that the bill would "be passed at the beginning of the next term of the Sejm",[53] but Speaker Grzegorz Schetyna said that a vote would not be put to Parliament during that legislative term.[54] However, after receiving a petition in favour of the registered partnership bill signed by 23,500 people, Schetyna said that he would probably submit the bill for its first reading in Parliament after 10 July 2011.[55] Krzysztof Tyszkiewicz, a spokesman for the PO parliamentary group, announced that the party would support the SLD bill, but only after the parliamentary elections in October 2011.[56]

In July 2011, the Social and Family Policy Commission and the Justice and Human Rights Commission approved the bill by 29 votes to 10 with 3 abstentions.[57] After the bill passed its first reading in the Sejm,[58] the Supreme Court expressed its opinion on 9 October 2011. The court undermined any further progress on the bill, highlighting numerous legal deficiencies. It also stated that the registration of cohabiting opposite-sex couples was incompatible with Article 18 of the Polish Constitution. Regarding the relationships of same-sex couples, it stated that the admissibility and scope of any statutory regulation required an analysis taking into account international legal obligations, and considering the implications of recent judgments by the European Court of Human Rights.[59] According to professor Miroslaw Wyrzykowski, the head of the Department of Human Rights at the University of Warsaw's Faculty of Law, and a former judge of the Constitutional Tribunal, the Constitution requires the introduction of registered partnerships.[60] Eventually, the bill was never voted on by Parliament and therefore expired.

Developments in 2011–2018

After the parliamentary elections in October 2011, Janusz Palikot, the leader of the Palikot's Movement (RP), said that a bill on civil partnerships would be one of his party's first draft laws submitted to the Parliament.[61] Leszek Miller, the head of the SLD parliamentary group, announced that they would reintroduce the same bill as had been introduced in the previous parliaments.[62] The vice president of the PO parliamentary group, Rafał Grupiński, said that its members would have a free vote on the draft law. Stanisław Żelichowski, the head of the PSL parliamentary group, said that he expected the bill to be ignored by Parliament.[63] A new draft law based on the Scandinavian model (not the French PACS), applying to same-sex couples only, was scheduled to be drafted and submitted to Parliament by early December 2011 as a joint initiative of the SLD and the RP. Some members of the PO also declared their support. PSL did not state a clear position on the issue but was believed to be in support. Only PiS were opposed, though some of its members, such as Witold Waszczykowski, signalled their support.[64][65][66]

MEP Agnieszka Kozłowska-Rajewicz described the adoption of the law on civil partnerships as one of her priorities, though she added that the ideal would be the introduction of same-sex marriage.[67] She also said that civil partnerships similar to the French PACS were more popular at the time and that the law would be enacted in that parliamentary term.[68] Separately, a government report, entitled "Poland 2030 Third wave of modernity – Long-term National Development Strategy", stated that an objective for the five-year period to 2015 would be the equalization of rights for unmarried couples.[69] Artur Dunin commented that many PO parliamentarians saw the need for such a partnership law, provided that it "did not go too far".[70] On 13 January 2012, the SLD and the RP jointly presented two draft laws on civil partnerships to the Sejm. The first bill was the same that had failed in the previous Sejm, similar to the French PACS law (for same-sex and opposite-sex couples), whereas the second bill was similar to the Scandinavian model (for same-sex couples only). The PO also intended to introduce its own bill, which would be similar to the French PACS law but include some additional differences between civil unions and marriages.[71][72][73][74][75][76] On 28 June, a parliamentary committee expressed its opinion that both bills were unconstitutional. On 24 July, the Sejm voted against the submission for a first reading on the two bills. One day later, the Civic Platform proposed its own bill, which was submitted to the Parliament in September.[77] All three drafts were rejected on 25 January 2013 by the Sejm, with the most narrow defeat being for the bill proposed by Civic Platform, which lost 211–228.[78]

Following the 2015 parliamentary elections, the socially conservative PiS, which is opposed to registered partnerships, formed the new government. A new registered partnership bill was proposed on 12 February 2018 by the Modern party.[79][80][81] It was introduced to the Sejm in April 2018 but did not advance further.[82]

ECHR rulings and aftermath

In 2017, four same-sex couples filed a lawsuit challenging the laws that "made it impossible for two persons of the same sex to marry and did not at least provide for any other form of legal recognition of relationships between two persons of the same sex". A fifth couple joined the litigation in April 2018. Their attempts to be issued marriage licenses were previously rejected on the basis that the Constitution and the Family and Custody Code of Poland define marriage as "a union between a woman and a man". The couples appealed to the courts, but the decisions of the authorities were upheld. The case was eventually appealed to the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR). In July 2020, the court invited the Polish Government to present its position on the issue.[83] Based on the precedents of Oliari and Others v Italy, in which the ECHR found that "the absence of a legal framework allowing for recognition and protection of [applicants] relationship violates their rights under Article 8", and Orlandi and Others v. Italy, in which the ECHR ruled that Italy must recognize same-sex marriages performed in other jurisdictions, advocates hoped that the cases would lead to the legal recognition of same-sex relationships in Poland.[84][85][86][87]

The ECHR issued its judgement on 12 December 2023 in the case of Przybyszewska and Others v. Poland, ruling that Poland had violated the European Convention on Human Rights,[31] specifically Article 8 which protects the right to private and family life, by failing to legalise same-sex unions.[88][89] The court had already issued similar rulings with respect to Romania in Buhuceanu and Others, Russia in Fedotova and Others, Bulgaria in Koilova and Babulkova, and Ukraine in Maymulakhin and Markiv. It placed a positive obligation on the government to introduce a framework recognising same-sex partnerships. In a separate judgement issued on 19 September 2024, the European Court of Human Rights ruled in Formela and Others v. Poland that Poland had violated the rights of same-sex couples by refusing to recognise legal same-sex unions conducted abroad. This case centered on a lesbian couple in Gdańsk who had entered into a civil partnership in Scotland and sought recognition of their union in Poland.[90]

Poland has an obligation to implement the ECHR's judgments and legalise same-sex unions. On 27 December 2023, Prime Minister Donald Tusk announced that a bill to legalise same-sex unions would be introduced and debated in the Sejm in early 2024, in line with a pledge made during his campaign in the 2023 election.[91] The bill was added to the government agenda on 8 July 2024 and presented publicly by Minister of Equality Katarzyna Kotula in October 2024.[92] It would allow both opposite-sex and same-sex couples to form registered partnerships, affording rights in the areas of inheritance, property, taxation and support, but would not allow registered partners to adopt.[93] Civic Platform and The Left have vowed to pass the bill.[94] In October, the Archbishop of Warsaw, Kazimierz Nycz, expressed his support for civil partnerships and said "that the Church will not interfere in the legislative process".[95] A public consultation process was open until 15 November 2024.[96][97]

Same-sex marriage

Constitutional wording

Article 18 of the Constitution of Poland states that:[98]

Marriage, as a union of a man and a woman, as well as the family, motherhood and parenthood, shall be placed under the protection and care of the Republic of Poland.[b]

The article was adopted in 1997 following the fall of communism. The purpose of the article has been to ensure that legislators would not be able to legalize same-sex marriage without changing the Constitution.[8][9] Jurists have generally interpreted it as a constitutional ban on same-sex marriage.[2][8][9][10][11][99][100][101] Several lawyers and jurists have argued that the article does not formally define marriage, and while promoting opposite-sex marriages, does not in itself ban same-sex marriage.[102][103] However, the courts have ruled several times that Article 18 specifies "marriage as a union of exclusively of a woman and a man".[3] On 11 May 2005, the Constitutional Tribunal ruled that:[4]

The Polish Constitution specifies marriage as a union of exclusively of a woman and a man. Thus, a contrario, it does not allow same-sex relationships. [...] Marriage (as a union of a woman and a man) has obtained a separate constitutional status within the domestic law of the Republic of Poland, on the basis of Article 18 of the Constitution. Any change of this status would be possible only by the way of an amendment to the Constitution, according to Article 235 thereof.)

On 9 November 2010, the Constitutional Tribunal held that "the doctrine of constitutional law also indicates that the only normative element that can be decoded from Article 18 of the Constitution is the principle of heterosexuality of marriage."[5] On 25 October 2016, the Supreme Administrative Court of Poland stated that:[6]

The Act on Publicly Funded Healthcare Benefits does not explain, however, who is a spouse. But this concept is sufficiently and clearly defined in the aforementioned Article 18 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, which refers to marriage as a union between a woman and a man. The literature emphasizes that Article 18 of the Constitution establishes the principle of heterosexuality of marriage, [...] which prohibits lawmakers from statutory granting the status of marriage to relationships between persons of the same sex. Therefore, it is obvious that marriage in the light of the Constitution, and hence, in the light of Polish law, can only be, and is only a heterosexual union, and thus same-sex individuals cannot be spouses in a marriage.

Recognition of foreign marriages

Dawid Mycek (left) and Jakub Kwieciński (right), the couple who filed suit at the Supreme Administrative Court seeking recognition of foreign same-sex marriages in Poland, Kraków, May 2017

In 2018, ruling on the recognition of foreign same-sex marriages, the Supreme Administrative Court ruled that "Article 18 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, which defines marriage as a union of a man and a woman, [...] requires to treat only a heterosexual union as a marriage in Poland".[7] Specifically, the court ruled that registering same-sex marriages performed outside of Poland would breach the Constitution and the Private International Law Act (Polish: Ustawa z dnia 4 lutego 2011 r. Prawo prywatne międzynarodowe).

Seeking to test the legal wording, a same-sex couple, Jakub Kwieciński and Dawid Mycek, applied to have their marriage, performed in Portugal in June 2017, recognised in Poland. Their application was rejected by the civil registry in Warsaw, which cited Article 18 of the Constitution and argued that "transcribing the marriage certificate of two persons of the same sex would be contrary to the fundamental principles of the legal order of the Republic of Poland". On 8 January 2019, the Masovian Voivodeship Administrative Court ruled that their marriage could not be recognised under Polish law. However, in a landmark decision, it ruled that should the Family Code and other statutes provide for same-sex marriage than Article 18 would not provide a direct obstacle.[12] The Campaign Against Homophobia praised the ruling,[104] while the Ministry of Justice questioned the court's legal authority.[105][106] The couple sought legal advice on whether to appeal certain parts of the ruling, namely those pertaining to the refusal to recognise their marriage.[12] On 6 July 2022, the Supreme Administrative Court upheld the lower court ruling that the marriage could not be recognized in Poland. However, the court agreed with the finding that Article 18 "cannot in itself constitute an obstacle to transcribing a foreign marriage certificate if the institution of marriage as a union of persons of the same sex was provided for in the domestic [legal] order".[107] Kwieciński and Mycek called it a "historical ruling". The judgment was labelled as "fake news" by Ordo Iuris, an ultra-conservative think-tank, which pointed out that another section of the ruling stated that Article 18 "does not prejudge the impossibility of legally regulating same-sex relationships; however, it emphasises the special protection of marriage, but as a relationship between a woman and a man".[108] The court issued a similar ruling later that year, upholding a lower court ruling that the marriage of Agata Kowalska and Emilia Barabasz, performed in Germany in 2018, could not be recognized in Poland but also that "[A]rticle 18 does not prevent parliament from introducing the institution of same-sex civil partnerships in [the] future". The couple announced their decision to file suit with the European Court of Human Rights.[109]

In another case, the Supreme Administrative Court announced that it would ask the European Court of Justice to issue a ruling on whether same-sex marriages conducted in another member state of the European Union should be recognised in Poland. This case involves a dual Polish-German couple who had married in Germany but sought recognition of their marriage in Poland.[110]

2018 European Court of Justice ruling

Main article: Coman and Others v General Inspectorate for Immigration and Ministry of the Interior

On 5 June 2018, the European Court of Justice ruled in favour of a Romanian-American same-sex couple who sought to have their marriage recognised in Romania so that the American partner could reside in the country.[111] The court ruled that European Union (EU) member states must recognise the freedom of movement and residency rights of same-sex spouses, provided one partner is an EU citizen.[112][113][114] The court ruled that EU member states may choose whether or not to allow same-sex marriage, but they cannot obstruct the freedom of residence of an EU citizen and their spouse. In addition, the court ruled that the term "spouse" is gender-neutral and does not necessarily imply a person of the opposite sex.[111][115]

Religious performance

The Catholic Church holds immense social prestige and a considerable degree of influence in Polish politics, having close ties with the social conservative Law and Justice party.[116] The Church strongly opposes same-sex marriage and does not allow its priests to officiate at such marriages. Several clergy have also been accused of incitement to hatred, including Archbishop of Kraków Marek Jędraszewski whose 2019 remarks on the LGBT community were compared to "incitement to genocide".[117] Despite around 71% of the Polish population identifying as Catholic in 2021 (down from 88% in 2011),[118] support for same-sex marriage continues to increase steadily. This may be due to a significant increase of cultural liberalism in the realm of individual rights in recent years, where the Church traditionally had most influence, especially on family issues. In addition, a series of revelations of child sex abuses by Catholic clergy and the poor response by the church hierarchy to deal with such cases have contributed to a decline in church membership. Another common factor cited among those leaving the Church was "anger at [its] interference in politics and outdated views", notably on abortion.[119] In December 2023, the Holy See published Fiducia supplicans, a declaration allowing Catholic priests to bless couples who are not considered to be married according to church teaching, including the blessing of same-sex couples.[120] The Polish Episcopal Conference suggested only blessing "individual people living in complete abstinence".[121][122]

In May 2024, a Catholic same-sex couple were blessed in a parish of the Polish Reformed Church in Warsaw by Pastor Michał Jabłoński.[123] According to the Rzeczpospolita newspaper, the Reformed Church is the only Christian denomination in Poland that blesses same-sex unions.[124]

Public opinion

Participants at a march in Kraków in favour of LGBT rights, including registered partnerships and same-sex marriage, 2019

Demonstrators in support of LGBT rights and same-sex marriage in Katowice, 2023

Recent polls have reported a trend in favor of same-sex marriage and registered partnerships.[125] All opinion polls conducted since 2022 have found that a majority of Polish people support same-sex civil partnerships. Support for registered partnerships is higher among young people, people who have a higher education, who live in big cities, who have a higher income, who are less religious and who are politically left-wing.[126][127]

The Centre for Public Opinion Research (CBOS) has conducted opinion surveys on the issue of registered partnerships and same-sex marriage since 2001, though has often found limited support in comparison to other polling organizations. In 2001, 24% of respondents supported same-sex marriage.[128] This decreased to 22% in 2005, though 46% of Poles expressed support for registered partnerships that year.[129] Support remained relatively stable for the following five years, with support for partnerships at 41% and 45% in 2008 and 2010 respectively.[130][131] In 2011, the polling organization showed that 25% of Poles supported same-sex marriage, while 69% were opposed.[132] In 2013, it placed support for partnerships at 33% and for same-sex marriage at 26%.[133] This poll found that support for same-sex registered partnerships varied significantly by political parties: 68% of Your Movement (formerly RP) voters, 56% of SLD voters, 50% of PO voters, 24% of PSL voters and 15% of PiS voters.

A 2012 CEAPP (Centrum Ewaluacji i Analiz Polityk Publicznych) poll showed that although a minority (23%) of Poles supported registered partnerships, there was majority support for various rights and benefits being granted to same-sex couples. 68% of respondents supported allowing same-sex partners to obtain medical information, 57% supported inheritance rights, 55% supported rights to common tax accounting, 55% supported the right to inherit the pension of a deceased partner, whereas 20% supported the right to a refund for in vitro fertilisation and 16% supported adoption rights.[134] A 2013 TNS OBOP survey showed that 67% of Poles supported the legalization of registered partnerships for opposite-sex couples, though only 47% thought it should apply to same-sex couples.[135] This marked a decrease from a TNS OBOP poll two years earlier, when 54% of respondents expressed support for same-sex registered partnerships.[136] A 2013 INSE (Instytut Nauk Społeczno-Ekonomicznych) survey found that only 30% of Poles were in favour of registered partnerships.[137]

A 2013 PBS poll estimated that 40% of Poles were in favour of registered partnerships, 30% in favour of same-sex marriage, and 17% in favour of adoption rights.[138] A 2015 survey commissioned by Miłość Nie Wyklucza found that 55% of Poles supported some form of recognition for same-sex couples, but only 37% supported partnerships and 29% supported same-sex marriage.[139] The 2015 Eurobarometer found that 28% of Poles thought same-sex marriage should be allowed throughout Europe, while 61% were opposed.[140] This was an 11% increase from the previous Eurobarometer, which was conducted in 2006. Additionally, the number of those who "strongly opposed" same-sex marriage almost halved between 2006 and 2015.

A June 2017 Ipsos survey found that 52% of Poles were in favour of registered partnerships and 38% in favour of same-sex marriage.[141] According to a Pew Research Center poll conducted later that year, 32% of Poles supported same-sex marriage (25% "somewhat" and 8% "strongly").[142][143] A 2018 IBRiS (Instytut Badań Rynkowych i Społecznych) poll showed that 59% of Poles supported recognising same-sex marriages validly performed abroad, whilst 30% were opposed.[144] A survey conducted by the same polling organization the following year showed that 44% of Polish people supported registered partnerships, 32% supported same-sex marriage, and 12% supported adoption by same-sex couples.[125] The 2019 Eurobarometer found a large increase in support, with 45% of Poles in support of same-sex marriage, and 50% opposed. This increase of 17% from 2015 was the second-highest in the European Union, after Germany at 18%. Of countries forming the former Eastern Bloc (excluding East Germany), Poland ranked second in support for same-sex marriage, after the Czech Republic.[145] An August 2019 Ipsos poll for OKO.press showed similar numbers: 41% in favour of same-sex marriage and 60% in favour of registered partnerships,[146] as did a Kantar Group survey conducted the following month: 42% in favour of same-sex marriage and 57% in favour of partnerships.[147][148] By 2022, support had increased to 64% for partnerships, 48% for same-sex marriage, and 24% for adoption rights according to a IBRiS survey for Radio ZET.[149]

A GLOBSEC survey conducted in March 2023 showed that 54% of Poles supported same-sex marriage, while 38% were opposed. This was the first time a poll had found majority support for same-sex marriage in Poland.[150] The 2023 Eurobarometer found that 50% of Poles thought same-sex marriage should be legalized throughout Europe, while 45% disagreed.[151] A 2023 Pew Research Center poll showed that 41% of Poles supported same-sex marriage (28% "somewhat" and 13% "strongly"), a 9% increase from six years prior.[152]

In a poll conducted in April 2024 by United Surveys, 50% of respondents supported same-sex marriage and 66% supported same-sex civil partnerships. 86% of supporters of the ruling coalition supported same-sex marriage and 97% supported same-sex civil partnerships.[153] A June 2024 poll by Rzeczpospolita showed that 63% of respondents supported same-sex civil partnerships,[154] while an Ipsos poll conducted that same month found that 67% of Poles supported the right of same-sex couples to marry or legally register their relationship.[17] A September 2024 Ipsos found that 51% of Poles supported same-sex marriage, while 43% opposed it. In addition, 62% of Poles supported civil partnerships for same-sex couples, while 33% opposed it.[16]

See also

• LGBT rights in Poland
• LGBT rights in the European Union
• Recognition of same-sex unions in Europe

Notes

1. In some languages of Poland:[37]
   • Karaim: cywil ortakłych
   • Kashubian: cywilné partnerstwò
   • Romani: registrime partnerimo
   • Rusyn: горожанськоє цимборенє, gorožans'koje tsimborenje
   • Tatar: гражданлык партнерлыгы, grajdanlıq partnerlıgı
   • Wymysorys: łaowaspaortnerśoft
2. Polish: Małżeństwo jako związek kobiety i mężczyzny, rodzina, macierzyństwo i rodzicielstwo znajdują się pod ochroną i opieką Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej.

References

1. "The Constitution of the Republic of Poland". 2 April 1997. Retrieved 29 May 2021.
2. "Polish president rules out gay marriage". Radio Poland. 25 January 2017. Retrieved 18 July 2018.
3. Judgment of the Supreme Court of 7 July 2004, II KK 176/04, W dotychczasowym orzecznictwie Sądu Najwyższego, wypracowanym i ugruntowanym zarówno w okresie obowiązywania poprzedniego, jak i obecnego Kodeksu postępowania karnego, a także w doktrynie (por. wypowiedzi W. Woltera, A. Zolla, A. Wąska), pojęcie "wspólne pożycie" odnoszone jest wyłącznie do konkubinatu, a w szczególności do związku osób o różnej płci, odpowiadającego od strony faktycznej stosunkowi małżeństwa (którym w myśl art. 18 Konstytucji jest wyłącznie związek osób różnej płci). Tego rodzaju interpretację Sąd Najwyższy, orzekający w niniejszej sprawie, w pełni podziela i nie znajduje podstaw do uznania za przekonywujące tych wypowiedzi pojawiających się w piśmiennictwie, w których podejmowane są próby kwestionowania takiej interpretacji omawianego pojęcia i sprowadzania go wyłącznie do konkubinatu (M. Płachta, K. Łojewski, A.M. Liberkowski). Rozumiejąc bowiem dążenia do rozszerzającej interpretacji pojęcia "wspólne pożycie", użytego w art. 115 § 11 k.k., należy jednak wskazać na całkowity brak w tym względzie dostatecznie precyzyjnych kryteriów.
4. "Judgment of the Constitutional Tribunal of 11 May 2005, K 18/04". Polska Konstytucja określa bowiem małżeństwo jako związek wyłącznie kobiety i mężczyzny. A contrario nie dopuszcza więc związków jednopłciowych. [...] Małżeństwo (jako związek kobiety i mężczyzny) uzyskało w prawie krajowym RP odrębny status konstytucyjny zdeterminowany postanowieniami art. 18 Konstytucji. Zmiana tego statusu byłaby możliwa jedynie przy zachowaniu rygorów trybu zmiany Konstytucji, określonych w art. 235 tego aktu.
5. "Judgment of the Constitutional Tribunal of 9 November 2010, SK 10/08". W doktrynie prawa konstytucyjnego wskazuje się nadto, że jedyny element normatywny, dający się odkodować z art. 18 Konstytucji, to ustalenie zasady heteroseksualności małżeństwa.
6. "Judgment of the Supreme Administrative Court of Poland of 25 October 2016, II GSK 866/15". Ustawa o świadczeniach zdrowotnych finansowanych ze środków publicznych nie wyjaśnia, co prawda, kto jest małżonkiem. Pojęcie to zostało jednak dostatecznie i jasno określone we wspomnianym art. 18 Konstytucji RP, w którym jest mowa o małżeństwie jako o związku kobiety i mężczyzny. W piśmiennictwie podkreśla się, że art. 18 Konstytucji ustala zasadę heteroseksualności małżeństwa, będącą nie tyle zasadą ustroju, co normą prawną, która zakazuje ustawodawcy zwykłemu nadawania charakteru małżeństwa związkom pomiędzy osobami jednej płci (vide: L. Garlicki Komentarz do art. 18 Konstytucji, s. 2-3 [w:] Konstytucja Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. Komentarz, Wydawnictwo Sejmowe, Warszawa 2003). Jest wobec tego oczywiste, że małżeństwem w świetle Konstytucji i co za tym idzie - w świetle polskiego prawa, może być i jest wyłącznie związek heteroseksualny, a więc w związku małżeńskim małżonkami nie mogą być osoby tej samej płci.
7. "Judgment of the Supreme Administrative Court of Poland of 28 February 2018, II OSK 1112/16". art. 18 Konstytucji RP, który definiuje małżeństwo jako związek kobiety i mężczyzny, a tym samym wynika z niego zasada nakazująca jako małżeństwo traktować w Polsce jedynie związek heteroseksualny.
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9. Marek Safjan; Leszek Bosek, eds. (2016). Konstytucja RP. Tom I. Komentarz do art. 1-86. Warszawa: C.H. Beck Wydawnictwo Polska. ISBN 9788325573652. Z przeprowadzonej powyżej analizy prac nad Konstytucją RP wynika jednoznacznie, że zamieszczenie w art. 18 Konstytucji RP zwrotu definicyjnego "związek kobiety i mężczyzny" stanowiło reakcję na fakt pojawienia się w państwach obcych regulacji poddającej związki osób tej samej płci regulacji zbliżonej lub zbieżnej z instytucją małżeństwa. Uzupełniony tym zwrotem przepis konstytucyjny "miał pełnić rolę instrumentu zapobiegającego wprowadzeniu takiej regulacji do prawa polskiego" (A. Mączyński, Konstytucyjne podstawy prawa rodzinnego, s. 772). Innego motywu jego wprowadzenia do Konstytucji RP nie da się wskazać (szeroko w tym zakresie B. Banaszkiewicz, "Małżeństwo jako związek kobiety i mężczyzny", s. 640 i n.; zob. też Z. Strus, Znaczenie artykułu 18 Konstytucji, s. 236 i n.). Jak zauważa A. Mączyński istotą tej regulacji było normatywne przesądzenie nie tylko o niemożliwości unormowania w prawie polskim "małżeństw pomiędzy osobami tej samej płci", lecz również innych związków, które mimo tego, że nie zostałyby określone jako małżeństwo miałyby spełniać funkcje do niego podobną (A. Mączyński, Konstytucyjne podstawy prawa rodzinnego, s. 772; tenże, Konstytucyjne i międzynarodowe uwarunkowania, s. 91; podobnie L. Garlicki, Artykuł 18, w: Garlicki, Konstytucja, t. 3, uw. 4, s. 2, który zauważa, że w tym zakresie art. 18 nabiera "charakteru normy prawnej").
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