Medieval Arab attitudes to Black peopleAttitudes of medieval Arabs to Black people varied over time and individual attitude, but tended to be negative. Though the Qur'an expresses no racial prejudice, ethnocentric prejudice towards black people is widely evident among medieval Arabs, for a variety of reasons:[1] the declining power of the Aksumite Empire; Arabs' extensive conquests and slave trade; the influence of Aristotelian ideas regarding slavery, which some Muslim philosophers directed towards Zanj;[2] and the influence of Judeo-Christian ideas regarding divisions among humankind.[3] On the other hand, the Afro-Arab author Al-Jahiz, himself having a Zanj grandfather, wrote a book entitled Superiority of the Blacks to the Whites,[4] and explained why the Zanj were black in terms of environmental determinism in the "On the Zanj" chapter of The Essays.[5] TerminologyMany medieval Arabic texts categorise people phenotypically into three types of skin-colour: white (al-bīḍān, 'the white ones' associated particularly with Arabs), red (associated particularly with Romans, or Europeans more generally), and black (al-sūdān 'the black ones', associated particularly with darker complexioned Africans).[6]: 118–22 In pre-Islamic Arabia, Black people were referred to as ḥabashī (related to the term Abyssinian); this word's precise meaning is unclear, but it probably denoted people living under Aksumite rule and particularly people from the Horn of Africa.[7]: 104–5 The East African coastal region corresponding to the littoral of what is currently Kenya and Tanzania was called Zanj and people from there (or imagined to be from there) were called by the same term.[7]: 121 People encountered by Arab traders along the Senegal and Niger rivers were sometimes referred to by the nicknames Lamlam, Damdam or Namnam.[7]: 114 In a number of Arabic dialects, the word ʿabīd ('slaves') has come to denote black Africans.[7]: 133–34 Pre- and early Islamic periodPre-Islamic Arab relations outside of North Africa focused on the Aksumite Empire, which exerted considerable power and sometimes direct rule in the Arabian Peninsula from as early as the second century BCE to around Year of the Elephant (sometime in the 550s to 570s), when, at least according to Islamic tradition, increasingly united Arabs defeated Aksumite armies which ruled southern Arabia.[6]: 97–99 During the pre-Islamic period, significant numbers of black people were present in the Arabian Peninsula, and the image of the Abyssinian and African as a warrior is thought to have been significant in the Arab imaginary, both because of the power and presence of Aksumite forces and Arabs' own employment of African mercenaries.[6]: 97–99 The work of seven poets who can be identified as Black composed in Arabic in the pre-Islamic period is thought to have survived;[6]: 101 these poets include ʿAntarah ibn Shaddād al-Absī (d. 608), Khafāf ibn Nudba al-Sulakhī, and Sulayk bin al-Sulaka, all born to ethnic Arab fathers and enslaved Black mothers (respective Hassad, Mufuta, and Mutunda) and known as 'the crows of the Arabs'.[8][9][10] This poetry attests to the abuse these poets received for their Black skin and/or parentage, yet also to the social success of these Black people.[6]: 101–3 The Qurʾān itself views diversity of human skin colour as part of divine providence and welcomes all humans to Islām. For example, sūra 30 verses 20–22 read "One of His signs is that He created you from dust and—lo and behold!—you became human and scattered far and wide [...] Another of His signs is the creation of the heavens and earth, and the diversity of your languages and colours".[11][12]: 47 One of Muḥammad's closest companions was the emancipated slave Bilāl ibn Rabāḥ, who is reputed to have been Black,[7]: 104–5 while ḥadīth attributed to Aksum a supportive role for early Muslims, which later encouraged a body of pro-Ethiopian Muslim literature.[7] At the same time, Arabic poetry from the early Islamic period continues to attest to abusing people for their dark skin colour.[6]: 114–17 One important echo of these pre- and early ideological relationships between the Arab and African worlds is found in the writings of al-Jāḥiẓ (d. 868/869), whose Fakhr al-Sūdān wa-al-Bīḍān ('pride of Blacks over Whites') represents debate about the superiority of these races.[6]: 97–99, 105–6 Islamic Middle AgesBlack slaves in the Arab worldAs Aksumite power declined and military challenges to Arabs' power came increasingly from the Roman Empire and Persia, Arab political relationships with sub-Saharan Africa shifted. Relations with Aksum focused not on war but on trading, particularly as part of the Indian Ocean slave trade.[6]: 100 Arab influence on the African coast near the Horn of Africa led to a number of African polities becoming Muslim, such as the Sultanate of Dawaro, Fatagar, Hadiya Sultanate and Bale; this region was referred to around 1400 by the geographer Al-Maqrīzī as al-ṭirāz al-islamī ("the Muslim Fringe").[13] Once Arab armies had conquered Egypt in 639-41, they also neighboured the Nubian, Christian kingdom of Dongola, which would remain independent into the thirteenth century, and also had ready access to Greek geographical scholarship, which would remain profoundly influential in Arab conceptions of Africa throughout the Middle Ages.[7] In the first two centuries of Islam, Muslim were viewed as synonymous to Arab ethnicity, and the non-Arab mawla (converts) freedmen, who were captured, enslaved, converted and manumitted, were considered inferior Muslims and fiscally, politically, socially and military discriminated against also as freedmen.[14] The hajin, half-Arab sons of Muslim Arab men and their slave concubines, were viewed differently depending on the ethnicity of their mothers. Abduh Badawi noted that "there was a consensus that the most unfortunate of the hajins and the lowest in social status were those to whom blackness had passed from their mothers", since a son of African mother more visibly recognizable as non-Arab than the son of a white slave mother, and consequently "son of a black [slave] woman" was used as an insult, while "son of a white [slave] woman" was used as a praise and as boasting.[15] By the ninth century, with North Africa now part of the Caliphate, contact with West Africa was also underway via coastal routes.[7]: 106 These encounters likewise provided hubs for human trafficking.[7] According to Helmi Sharawi, "these economic activities were the foundation of Arab production modes for ten centuries and gave rise to the image of 'Master Arab merchant' who dominated the Abyssinian or Negro slave".[6]: 100 (Though within this overall prejudiced climate, the status of Black Muslims (who were among the Muslims known as mawālī) was superior to that of non-Muslim Africans associated with more westerly parts of the continent.[6]: 106 ) Thus, although Black people did not make up a majority of slaves in the Arab world during the medieval period,[12]: 47 dark-skinned Africans in the Arabian Peninsula and elsewhere in Caliphate tended to be slaves. For example, al-Ṭabarī estimated that in Southern Basra alone there were around 15,000 around the 870s.[6]: 122 The low status of Black people were stated in a number of contemporary anecdotes in the Umayyad Caliphate, such as for example in the comment of an Arab who expressed his dislike of a civil war among fellow Arabs referring to an "Ethiopian" (Black African), stating that he "would prefer to be a mutilated Ethiopian slave tending broody goats on a hilltop until death overtakes him, rather than that a single arrow should be shot between the two sides".[16] Abd al-Hamid (d. 750), secretary of the last Umayyad Caliph, wrote to a Governor who had gifted the Caliph with a Black slave: "had you been able to find a smaller number than one, and a worse color than Black you would have sent that as a gift".[17] While white slaves were often free from any restrictions after manumission, Black slaves were rarely able to rise above the lowest levels in society after manumission, and during the Umayyad Caliphate, Black singers and poets complained about the racist discrimination against Black slaves and freedmen in their work.[18] Stereotypes about Black peopleThe situation where most Black people living among Arabic-speakers were enslaved encouraged Arabs to view themselves as superior to Black people. Michael A. Gomez has noted that the racial diversity of slaves in the Arab world indicates "just how unnecessary it was for Muslims to justify slavery" through ideologies of race—slaves simply had to be non-believers—and that "a panoply of considerations" informed Arab views of Africans,
Nevertheless, "the growth of the trans-Saharan slave trade homogenized and narrowed these perspectives, with those deemed 'Sudan' increasingly associated with the servile estate",[12]: 47 and stereotypes about Black people increasingly came to be used as an ideological mechanism for Arabs to justify their enslavement.[12]: 47–57 [6]: 98–101 As medieval Arabs gained access to Ancient Greek scholarship, they also became influenced by its stereotypes of Africans.[12]: 48, 52 At the same time, like medieval Jews and Christians, Muslims harnessed the biblical myth of the Curse of Ham to claim that humans naturally had white skin, but that Ham and his descendants had been made black by a divine curse.[12]: 47–50 The position of Aksum as a threat to pre- and early-Islamic Arabian power also continued to be invoked in anti-Black rhetoric.[6]: 104 For example, Ibn Buṭlān composed a stereotyping description of the qualities of slaves of different races which is relatively positive about Nubians, but otherwise particularly negative about the characteristics of Black people.[7]: 108, 122–23 Another example comes from al-Mutanabbī (d. 965):[19]
Abuse of phenotypical features associated with Black African people is found even in the poems which al-Mutanabbī composed in both praise and criticism of the Black vizier of Egypt Abū al-Misk Kāfur (d. 968), which variously seek either to excuse or to lambast Kāfur for his colour and heritage.[6]: 116–17 By the 8th-century, Blackness was associated with ugliness and inferior status, and this was mentioned by black Arab poets in their writings.[20] Black skin was associated with evil, devilry and damnation, while white skin carried the opposite associations, a racist stereotype described also in the Quran (III: 102).[21] The negative characteristics imputed to Black people included the idea that black men were sexually voracious;[12]: 52–53 thus the most recurrent stereotype of black people in the Thousand and One Nights is the black male slave fornicating with a white woman,[22] while the Egyptian historian al-Abshibi (d. 1446) wrote that "[i]t is said that when the [black] slave is sated, he fornicates, when he is hungry, he steals."[23] Mass revolts of slaves against the institution of slavery in the Abbasid Caliphate were particularly associated with Black slaves by contemporary writers; the most prominent is the so-called Zanj Rebellion of 869-883.[6]: 122–24 The precise composition (and degrees of freedom) of the rebels is uncertain, however; in the assessment of Helmi Sharawi, the association of Black people with rebellion in medieval Arabic sources partly reflects prejudice towards Black people, and he argues that the rebellions were not to do with race as such "but were a part of the whole context of resisting inequality and oppression in the four corners of the Arab-Islamic world".[6]: 122 Allegedly, such was his distrust of Black people, Abu Muslim al-Khurasani massacred four thousand of his own Black soldiers after completing the Abbasid Revolution.[6]: 122 About fifteen of the many medieval Arabic travel-writers discuss West and East Africa, most famously Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, potentially representing opportunities for more diverse encounters with and nuanced attitudes to Black people than encounters with slaves in the rest of the Arab world would have produced; but their accounts remain highly stereotyped.[6]: 124–31 According to Helmi Sharawi, 'when the traveller deals with the subjective aspect of Black character, he remembers but the sexual dissipation, women’s stripped apparel and their deep involvement in superstition'.[6]: 127–28 Likewise, in ethnographers' categorisations of nations in this period, Black people are consistently represented as the basest (and Arabs as the finest); for example, al-Tawḥīdī (d. 1023) described Black people as 'errant beasts'.[6]: 117–19, 124 More positive discussions of Black people, such as those of al-Jāḥiẓ, al-Bayhaqī (in his Virtues and Vices; d. 1066) and al-Suyūṭī (in his Promenade in Preference among Whites, Blacks and Coloured; d. 1505), or admiring portrayals of the visit of Mansa Musa to Cairo and Mecca, do exist. But they tend to position their virtues as being in spite of their blackness, whether discussing Black people as individuals or as a nation.[6]: 117–22, 128 Al-Idrisi's thirteenth-century description of Africa is especially positive, while the Muqaddima of the fourteenth-century Ibn Khaldūn is particularly noted for dismissing the idea of the Curse of Ham and explaining skin-colour as produced by environmental conditions.[12]: 50–54 References
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