The military forces of Armenia and Azerbaijan have been engaged in a border conflict since 12 May 2021, when Azerbaijani soldiers crossed several kilometers into Armenia in the provinces of Syunik and Gegharkunik. Despite international calls for withdrawal from the European Parliament, France, Iran, and the United States, Azerbaijan has maintained its presence on Armenian soil, occupying at least 215 square kilometres (83 sq mi) of internationally recognized Armenian territory.[1][42][43][44][45][46] This occupation follows a pattern of Azerbaijan provoking cross-border fights and instigating ceasefire violations when its government is unhappy with the pace of negotiations with Armenia.[47][48][49][50][51][52][53]
There have been repeated escalations, with significant incursions occurring along the Armenia–Nakhchivan border in July 2021 and in the Gegharkunik–Kalbajar area in November 2021.[48] In a further provocation, Azerbaijani forces blockaded southern Armenia in August 2021 by closing the main north–south highway, effectively isolating Armenia from Iran and forcing the creation of alternative transportation routes.[54][55][56][57] The most severe confrontation took place in September 2022, marking the largest attack by Azerbaijan on Armenia in the history of their conflict, resulting in casualties on both sides.[58][59][60][61]
Despite Armenia's appeals for assistance from the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) and Russia during Azerbaijan's incursions in May 2021 and September 2022, both entities declined to assist, leaving Armenia on its own.[62][63] Officials from the European Parliament, the United States, and Russia have condemned Azerbaijan's military operations as violations of the ceasefire agreement.[64][65][48][50][66][67][68][49] Azerbaijan's incursions have been combined with threats and territorial claims referring to Armenia as "Western Azerbaijan" made by the president of Azerbaijan:[69] "Armenia must accept our conditions" if Armenians wish to "live comfortably on an area of 29,000 square kilometers," (11,000 sq. mi.).[70][71][72]
In response to the ongoing aggression, Armenia allocated additional defense areas to border guards of the Russian Federal Security Service.[73][74] Additionally, the EU dispatched a CSDP civilian monitoring mission to Armenia to promote border stability and deter future Azerbaijani offensives, despite criticism from Azerbaijani and Russian officials.[75][76][77][42] The enduring conflict has heavily militarized the Armenian-Azerbaijani border, drastically affecting the lives of local Armenian residents. Communities have faced direct targeting, with restricted access to essential resources, farmlands, and social infrastructures, leading to a significant displacement of civilians.[78][79][80][81][82][83][84]
Map showing the territories of Armenia occupied by Azerbaijan (2024)
In April 2024, Armenia and Azerbaijan reached an agreement according to which the border between the two states is to be demarcated on the basis of the Alma-Ata declaration.[85][86]
Armenia and Azerbaijan have not officially demarcated their mutual borders since becoming independent states following collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.[87][88] There were also major clashes in 2012, 2014, 2018 and 2020.
The issue of border demarcation between Armenia and Azerbaijan arose immediately after the defeat of Armenia in the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, and Azerbaijan regaining control over its occupied territories. Before the 2020 war, there was no mutually agreed upon border between Armenia and Azerbaijan, with certain Armenian villages and agricultural workers crossing over into Azerbaijan.[89] During Soviet times, cross-border interactions and movements were common.[90][91][92]
The issue of exclaves/enclaves is another border-related issue; there is an exclave called Artsvashen which is formally part of Soviet-era Armenia but controlled by and situated entirely within the current Republic of Azerbaijan; likewise, there are 4 Azerbaijani exclave villages of Karki, Yukhari Askipara, Barxudarlı and Sofulu that were formally part of Soviet-era Azerbaijan but are controlled by and situated entirely within the current Republic of Armenia.[87]
Following the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, physical demarcation of the borders commenced in certain areas using excavators.[88] Azerbaijan used Armenia's main north–south highway and Google Maps to unofficially demarcate the border between the southern regions of the two countries;[90][88][93] Armenian residents who lived on the east side of the highway were given three days to leave.[90][94] Azerbaijan built many new border posts often using Armenian roads under the escort of Russian military.[90] Intimidated by the presence of Azerbaijani military, certain Armenians living in border regions limited the number of trips to the region using the main highway; others moved away permanently.[90] Armenia and Azerbaijan agree that Soviet-era borders should form the basis of border delineation based on the Alma-Ata 1991 Declaration,[95][96] although Azerbaijan has rejected the use of late Soviet maps.[97][98][99][100]
In April 2021, Azerbaijan's president Ilham Aliyev made irredentist claims over Armenia's capital Yerevan, Zangezur (Syunik), and Sevan (Gegharkunik), declaring that they are "historical lands" of Azerbaijan.[109][110] He said that if Armenia would not agree to provide a corridor from Nakhchivan to western Azerbaijan through Armenia's Syunik Province, then Azerbaijan would establish it through the use of force, claiming that Azerbaijani people would return to what he described as "West Zangazur".[111][112][113][114] Turkey supports Azerbaijan and also seeks territorial control over Armenia's Syunik province.[115]
A joint statement by the European Parliament Chair of the Delegation for relations with the South Caucasus, Marina Kaljurand, and Standing Rapporteurs on Armenia and Azerbaijan, Andrey Kovatchev and Željana Zovko condemned the statements made by the Azerbaijani side: "To de-escalate the situation...we condemn in particular recent statements by Azerbaijani representatives regarding so-called 'West Zangezur' and referring to the territory of the Republic of Armenia as Azerbaijani 'ancestral land'. Such statements are highly irresponsible and threaten to undermine regional security further."[116]
The day of Azerbaijan's first military incursion on 12 May 2021, it announced it was holding a four-day exercise involving 15,000 soldiers, involving tanks, missile systems, and aviation units, among other military resources.[117][118]
Armenian territory occupied by Azerbaijan
Azerbaijani soldiers are occupying internationally recognized Armenian territory and conducting engineering and fortification works.[3][119][44][45][120][121][4][122][123][124] Estimates of the amount of territory occupied vary between 50 and 215 square kilometers (20 and 83 sq. mi.) with some local Armenian officials and farmers claiming that the Azerbaijani military has made bigger territorial gains than is admitted by officials in Yerevan.[2][3][4][5][6][7][8][125][126]
European PACE monitors have "…observed the presence of Azerbaijani military positions within Armenian sovereign territory sometimes well beyond any disputed border line… [including]… strategic high ground… overlooking the main road linking the capital Yerevan to the Iranian border.[127] These strategic heights are in the regions of Gegharkunik, Kapan, and near the village of Nerkin Khand further south.[8] According to International Crisis Group, these new positions clearly give Azerbaijan an advantage if fighting resumes since they encircle several Armenian villages and overlook the main road to Syunik which is considered "a lifeline for the country's communication's routes" to both Iran and Nagorno-Karabakh.[128][2]
Locals fear Azerbaijan will threaten to cut off southern Armenia from the rest of the country unless Armenia surrenders concessions such as the Zangezur corridor.[128] Southern Armenia (Syunik) is often referred to as "the backbone of Armenia" given that it connects Armenia both to Artsakh as well as to Iran.[129] With 80% of Armenia's borders being closed since Turkey and Azerbaijan's 30 year-long blockade,[130] the border with Iran comprises one of only two open international borders to Armenia.[129]
Since Azerbaijan's military incursions, Armenia's eastern border has become militarized; it has been common for Armenian farmers in border areas to be shot at and for their livestock to be robbed.[79][80] Azerbaijani forces kidnap, torture, rape, execute, and "forcibly disappear" Armenian civilians in border regions.[131][132][133] Fearing for their safety, many Armenian villagers have stopped using land previously used for agricultural purposes and others have moved away permanently.[82][90][80]
Azerbaijan has not withdrawn its troops from internationally recognised Armenian territory despite calls to do so by the European Parliament, United States[134] and France – the latter two which comprise two of three co-chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group.
Azerbaijan argues that it cannot be accused of occupying Armenian lands without official border demarcation.[128][135] Azerbaijani media outlets and notable politicians within the country have called for the occupation of more Armenian land.[136][137]
Timeline
May 2021
On 12 May, hundreds of Azerbaijani soldiers crossed several kilometres (miles) into Armenian territory and occupied territory within the provinces of Gegharkunik and Syunik.[138][89][139] The same day, Azerbaijan announced it was holding a four-day exercise involving 15,000 soldiers, tanks, missile systems, and aviation units.[117][118]
In Syunik, Azerbaijani soldiers attempted to surround Lake Sev.[44][89] The soldiers advanced towards civilian settlements, scaring local agricultural workers.[82] Incursions by Azerbaijani soldiers were also observed in Verishen and Sisian within Syunik[140][141][142]
In Gegharkunik, Azerbaijani incursions were also observed, including in Vardenis,[143][138][140][141][142] with certain media outlets reporting that Azerbaijani forces had captured areas there.[144] The Armenian National Security Service warned of the legal consequences of reporting misinformation that "cause[s] panic."[144]
Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan said negotiations were ongoing for an Azerbaijani withdrawal, and that Armenian forces had stopped the advance without any skirmishes having taken place.[citation needed]
Lake Sev as seen from the peak of Mets Ishkhanasar mountain in Armenia
Azerbaijan claims that its forces did not cross into Armenia and merely took up positions that were inaccessible in winter months, adding that the border between the two countries was never formally demarcated following the collapse of the Soviet Union.[145]
However, Soviet maps from 1975 show that over 90% of Sev Lake is in Armenian territory, with only a small section of the northern shore situated within Azerbaijan SSR[44][146][147] The map also shows the adjacent smaller Lake Janlich (Jinli) as entirely in Armenian territory.[146][148][147] The Azerbaijani side, showed a map with the entire Sev lake belonging to Azerbaijan, and refused to leave the territory.[89][82]
On 13 May, the Armenian Defense Ministry reported that Azerbaijani forces crossed the Armenian border in two other sections.[142] The same day, Nikol Pashinyan said that 250 Azerbaijani soldiers remained within Armenia's internationally recognized borders.[142]
On 14 May, the Prime Minister of Armenia, Nikol Pashinyan, formally appealed to the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) to hold consultations regarding the Azerbaijani incursion into Armenia.[149][150][151][152] Armenian and Azerbaijani military officials convened at the border together with representatives of the Russian military deployed in the Syunik Province for several hours of negotiations, without any immediate resulting agreement being announced afterwards.[149] Pashinyan also said in a speech on 14 May that French President Emmanuel Macron said that France was ready to provide military assistance if necessary.[118]
On 15 May, Armenia's Defense Ministry stated that the situation regarding the Azerbaijani incursion on 12–13 May remained unresolved, with some Azerbaijani soldiers still on Armenian territory, and that negotiations in order to bring about a peaceful settlement were ongoing.[153]
On 15 May, the press service of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Azerbaijan responded by saying that it was enforcing the borders of Azerbaijan on the basis of "maps available to both sides", criticizing the Armenian statements as "provocative" and "inadequate". The Ministry also accused the Armenian authorities of using the situation for pre-election domestic political purposes,[154][155] a claim which is considered unlikely.[156]
During a call with Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, Azerbaijani President Aliyev described Armenia's decision to appeal to the CSTO as an attempt to "internationalize the issue".[157]
On 19 May, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov said that Russia came up with an initiative to create a joint Armenia-Azerbaijan commission on demarcation and delimitation of the borders, in which Russia could play the role of a consultant or mediator.[158] On 20 May, acting prime minister Nikol Pashinyan confirmed that Armenia and Azerbaijan were close to an agreement on the creation of a joint commission to demarcate the border between the two countries, with Russia acting as a mediator, and each country appointing delegates to the commission by 31 May.[159]
In the morning of 20 May, a group of Azerbaijani servicemen crossed the border near the village of Khoznavar in the Goris region, walking 1.5 km (1 mile) into Armenian territory. They were forced back to their original positions by Armenian forces, but they then made a second attempt to cross the border in the evening, resulting in a fight between Armenian and Azerbaijani servicemen. The General Prosecutor's Office of Armenia reported that eleven Armenian soldiers were injured and hospitalized, and that there were injuries from the Azerbaijani side, too. The videos of the incident were leaked on social media, initially a video of Azerbaijani military men attacking and beating Armenian soldiers, and, on the next day, another video showing the Armenian Armed Forces expelling Azerbaijani servicemen from their territory appeared.[30]
On 25 May, an Armenian soldier was killed 7 kilometers (5 miles) within Armenian territory which Azerbaijan denied.[156] The same day, all male staff working for the administration of the Sisian community were mobilized into volunteer defense units.[156]
On 27 May, after the tensions rose further after the capture of six Armenian soldiers by Azerbaijani forces early in the morning, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan called for the deployment of international observers along portions of Armenia's border with Azerbaijan. "If the situation is not resolved this provocation could inevitably lead to a large-scale clash," Pashinyan said at an emergency meeting of Armenia's Security Council held in the evening, suggesting Armenia and Azerbaijan to pull back their troops from the border areas and let Russia and/or the United States and France, the two other co-chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group, deploy their observers there. The disengagement of troops and the launch of the monitoring mission, should be followed by a process of "ascertaining border points" supervised by the international community, the Prime Minister said.[37]
On 28 May, the EU spokesperson Peter Stano called for immediate de-escalation and urged both sides to pull back their forces to positions held before 12 May and engage in negotiations on border delimitation and demarcation, welcoming proposals for a possible international observation mission and expressing readiness to provide expertise and help on border delimitation and demarcation. The EU continues to call on Azerbaijan to release all prisoners of war and detainees without delay and welcomes all efforts aimed at decreasing tensions.[160]
July 2021
Military positions of the Armenian forces in the northeastern direction of Armenia, which were attacked by Azerbaijani forces on 28 July 2021, according to the Armenian MoD
After an incident on 6 July in the Agdam District, Armenian and Azerbaijani forces clashed again in the directions of Azerbaijan's Tovuz, Gadabay, Nakhchivan and Shusha districts from 7 to 20 July.[161][162][163] On 14 July, the Armenian defence ministry stated that the Azerbaijani engineers tried to advance their military positions near Yeraskh in the Nakhchivan section of the Armenia–Azerbaijan border, and clashes erupted. The ministry added that the Azerbaijani side had started shelling Yeraskh, using mortars and grenade launchers, with an Armenian soldier getting killed[164][23] and the community leader of Yeraskh getting wounded.[165] The Azerbaijani Defense Ministry stated that an Azerbaijani soldier stationed near Heydarabad was wounded during the clashes,[18] and added that the "responsibility for the creation of tension along the state border of the two countries lies entirely with Armenia."[166] The Azerbaijani Defense Ministry later on the same day stated that the Armenian forces had fired at the Azerbaijani positions near Istisu in Kalbajar and Aghdam in Tovuz.[167] On 19 July, further clashes erupted near Yeraskh on Armenia's eastern border with Azerbaijan's Nakhchivan.[51][168]
On 22 July 2021, President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev made another irredentist claim over Armenia's province of Syunik (also known as Zangezur), saying that it is "our own territory":
While in Yerevan, Charles Michel called the territories bordering with Armenia disputed. To be honest, I disagree with this statement. Because we believe that these are our territories. I believe that this is the territory of Zangezur. And Zangezur is the land of our ancestors, and we are on our territory.
On 23 July 2021, the Azerbaijani Ministry of Defence stated that one of its soldiers was killed by Armenian sniper fire in Kalbajar District near the Armenia–Azerbaijan border.[10] Meanwhile, the Armenian MoD stated that three Armenian servicemen were wounded as Azerbaijani forces opened fire on Armenian positions located in the Gegharkunik section.[170]
On 28 July 2021, the Human Rights Defender of Armenia reported about intensive firing from the Azerbaijani side between 03:30 and 03:40 targeting civilian buildings in the villages of Verin Shorzha and Saradeghy in the Gegharkunik Province.[171] On the same day, three Armenian soldiers were killed in renewed clashes with Azerbaijani forces in the Kalbajar District and Gegharkunik Province, with four others wounded. Armenia accused Azerbaijan of "occupying Armenia's sovereign territory" as the Azerbaijani side blamed the incident on Armenian forces, stating that they opened fire first. Azerbaijan also reported 2 soldiers wounded during the skirmish.[19][24][32][33]
On 29 July, the Azerbaijani Ministry of Defence stated that Armenian forces broke the ceasefire in the morning, using automatic rifles and grenade launchers.[172] Armenian authorities then stated that the Azerbaijani side had violated the ceasefire,[173] but Azerbaijan denied that it broke the ceasefire.[174] An Armenian soldier was wounded in the shootout.[34]
On 31 July, Armenian authorities stated that Azerbaijani forces fired upon a logistic support vehicle delivering food to Armenian military positions in Yeraskh. As a result, the vehicle was "seriously damaged".[175]
August 2021
On 13 August 2021, Armenia and Azerbaijan reported about shelling on the border. The Armenian MoD stated that the Azerbaijani units opened fire from various calibre firearms at the Armenian positions in the Gegarkunik section, meanwhile Azerbaijan said that the Armenian forces had opened fire in the direction of the Kalbajar and Gadabay Districts.[176]
On 16 August 2021, two further Armenian soldiers were killed by Azerbaijani forces.[25] Vahan Tatosyan died from sniper fire at 09:50hrs in Yeraskh, while Arman Hakobyan was killed in Gegharkunik at 18:10hrs.[177][178]
On 17 August 2021, Armenian Ministry of Defence reported that another Armenian soldier was wounded as a result of a shelling attack from Azerbaijan.[179]
On 25 August, Azerbaijani forces blockaded southern Armenia (Syunik) by closing the main north–south (Goris – Kapan) highway in Armenia in two sections near the villages of Karmrakar and Shurnukh, interrupting all international transit with Iran.[54][55] The following day Azerbaijani forces blocked another section of the road further north, near the village of Vorotan.[54][55] The blockade stranded hundreds of Iranian trucks and resulted in the isolation of three villages located in between the closed sections of the road.[55] The blockade was alleviated partly under the escorts of Russian border guards which patrol the Armenian side of the border.[55][180][181][182]
Armenian Prime Minister Pashinyan announced that the issue would be solved with the construction of a new north–south transport corridor, which was completed in November 2021.[54][183]
On 27 August 2021, the Armenian Human Rights Defender reported that Azerbaijani troops had targeted Kut village: "Elderly people and children were in the yard at the time of the shooting. There were also children in the house at that time. On August 27, at around 10 pm, Azerbaijani armed forces fired intensively at civilian houses in the village of Kut, Gegharkunik region, directly targeting the civilian population," reported Arman Tatoyan.[184][185]
September 2021
On 1 September 2021, the Armenian soldier Gegham Sahakyan was killed by Azerbaijani sniper fire in Yeraskh.[26][186] Following increased tension with Iran, Azerbaijan began charging taxes on Iranian truck drivers who deliver supplies to Armenia through the main north-south highway, which Azerbaijan had previously blockaded.[187]
October 2021
On 9 October 2021, the Armenian MoD reported that an Armenian serviceman, Misak Khachatryan, was injured by a shot from border with Azerbaijan in Ararat Province.[188]
On 15 October 2021, Azerbaijani MoD reported that an Azerbaijani soldier was killed by Armenian sniper fire.[189]
On 15 and 16 October 2021, Armenian media reported that Azerbaijani forces shelled the village of Yeraskh, causing fires which damaged crops.[190][191]
November 2021
Between 12 and 15 November 2021, Azerbaijan extended its blockade of southern Armenia by installing additional border checkpoints on the roads between and leading to the cities of Goris and Kapan.[56]
On 16 November 2021, clashes between Azerbaijan and Armenia took place at the Syunik–Gegharkunik/Kalbajar–Lachin regions. At least seven Azerbaijani and 15 Armenian soldiers were killed,[12][192] with 32 Armenian soldiers captured.[38]
It appeared that Azerbaijan was using force to coerce Armenia into signing an agreement with various objectives: to demarcate their shared border, to establish an extraterritorial corridor through Armenia to Nakhchivan, and for Armenia to reaffirm that Artsakh is part of Azerbaijan.[192][56][193][43] Haqqin, a pro-government Azerbaijani news agency, wrote "Azerbaijan has demonstrated that it is prepared to inflict the final blow against Armenia. For good. After this, Yerevan will have no alternative to return to the negotiating table."[192] Although Azerbaijan claimed that Armenia provoked the fighting, geolocation footage indicated the Azerbaijani forces had made incursions clearly inside Armenia proper.[194]
The clashes ended at 18:30 local time after a Russian-mediated ceasefire.[195] On November 16, Pashinyan said that Azerbaijani forces occupied about 41 square kilometres (16 sq mi) of Armenia. The figure of 41 square kilometers (15 sq. mi.) has been used since May, which would suggest that no new land was occupied in this newest round of fighting, but this contradicted with the Armenian MOD report, according to which Armenia has lost two military positions on 16 November.[196]
On November 17, a joint statement was issued by various EU officials: Marina Kaljurand (the European Union's chair of the delegation for relations with the South Caucasus), Andrey Kovatchev (the European Parliament's standing rapporteur on Armenia), and Željana Zovko (the European Parliament's standing rapporteur on Azerbaijan). These EU officials called the military operation launched by Azerbaijan on 16 November 2021 "the worst violation to date of the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh ceasefire agreement" and "condemn[ed] any attempts at "borderisation", as observed since the incursion of Azerbaijani troops into Armenian territory.[48]
On 22 November 2021, an Armenian soldier was killed by Azerbaijani forces near the village of Norabak in Gegharkunik province.[27]
December 2021
On December 3, a 65-year-old civilian, Seyran Sargsyan, from the Chartar village of Martuni district was captured and killed by the Azerbaijani military. The Russian peacekeepers have started and investigation on the case involving both sides.[197][198]
On 4 December, Azerbaijan freed 10 captured Armenian soldiers captured from the 16 November clashes in exchange of maps detailing the location of landmines in Nagorno Karabakh, the agreement was achieved with Russian mediation.[199]
On 9 December, the Azerbaijani Ministry of Defence announced that an Azerbaijani soldier was killed in a skirmish with Armenian forces on the Azeri-Armenian border.[13]
On 10 December, the Armenian Ministry of Defence announced that an Armenian soldier was killed after clashes with Azerbaijani forces on the Gegharkunik area of the Armenian-Azerbijani border.[28]
On 18 December, two Azerbaijani servicemen were captured by Armenian forces near Lachin, the soldiers were later released.[21]
January 2022
On 11 January, one Azerbaijani soldier and three Armenian soldiers were killed in a shootout in the Verin Shorzha area of Armenia's Gegharkunik province.[200][201][40]
April 2022
On 6 April, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and President İlham Aliyev met in Brussels for peace talks mediated by the European Council President Charles Michel.[202][203]
On 6 April, the government of Azerbaijan said that Armenian forces shelled Azerbaijani military positions deployed in the Republic of Armenia's north-eastern borderline. However, Armenia's Defense Ministry refuted this.[204]
Azerbaijani strikes on Armenian territory between September 12 and 14, 2022
On the morning of 12 September 2022, Azerbaijan initiated an unprovoked invasion of Armenia, striking positions along a 200 km (100 mile) stretch of their shared border.[205][206][207][208] Azerbaijan offensives hit 23 locations as far as 40 km (25 miles) within Armenia in the Syunik, Gegharkunik, and Vayots Dzor provinces.[209][210][211][212][213] Azerbaijani forces attacked military and civilian positions in Vardenis, Goris, Sotk, Jermuk, and other cities[214] with artillery, drones, and heavy weapons.[215][216][217][218] At least 105 Armenian soldiers and 71 Azerbaijani military personnel were killed.[219][220]
Azerbaijan claimed that Armenian forces had staged "large-scale subversive acts" using "saboteurs" who planted landmines,[213][221][222][220] an allegation the government spread during the days following the invasion[223] and also echoed by Azerbaijan's ally Turkey.[223] Various journalists, politicians, and political analysts have scrutinized these allegations and consider them unfounded or unverifiable.[205][206][207][208][224][225][226] Arkady Dubnov, a political scientist and expert on the Southern Caucasus said "This doesn't look convincing, and everyone understands that this was a contrived excuse. No Azeri officials have provided any evidence to substantiate the incursion."[227]
According to Thomas de Waal, political analyst and author of several books on the Caucasus, some media outlets misleadingly described the fighting as "border clashes" and made reference to the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh despite the fact "no fighting took place in Karabakh...or indeed in Azerbaijani territory; it was all inside the territory of Armenia."[228] Around 30 or 40 towns and villages located in sovereign Armenian territory were attacked, resulting in 7,600 people being displaced.[229] According to certain media reports Azerbaijan used large-calibre weapons such as Grad missiles to target civilian settlements.[213] Azerbaijani President Aliyev later directly referred to the invasion in a speech, making irredentist statements about Armenian territory and confirming that Azerbaijan forces now control strategic highground in the area:[230] "As a result of this [September 2022] military operation, our historical cities are now in front of our eyes through visual observation."[231] Following Azerbaijan's attacks, pro-government media outlets and notable politicians within the country called for occupation of more Armenian land, claiming that a "buffer zone" was needed to deter "Armenian provocations.".[136][137]
On 15 September 2022 at 12:20 a.m., Secretary of the Security Council of Armenia Armen Grigoryan announced that a ceasefire agreement had been reached between Armenia and Azerbaijan;[232] however, Azerbaijan did not confirm the ceasefire in any public statement.[232][208] The fighting ended with Azerbaijani troops taking control of new positions deep inside Armenia, with at least 7600 civilians displaced from Armenian provinces.[233][234]
Due to Azerbaijan's September attacks of Armenia, various foreign embassies including those of France, Britain, and the United States, have issued travel advisories against visiting southern Armenia and areas which share a border with Azerbaijan, including the provinces of Syunik, Vayots Dzor, as well as southern Gegharkunik, and parts of Tavush.[235]
On 6 October 2022, Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan and President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev met at the firstEuropean Political Community summit in Prague in an attempt to resolve the long running Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and the recent Armenia–Azerbaijan border crisis. Following the meeting, it was stated that the two parties agreed to the deployment of a European Union led mission, which would be deployed on the Armenian side of their shared border for a period of two months, starting in October 2022.[236][237] The stated aim of the mission is to "build confidence and, through its reports, to contribute to the border commissions" work towards delimitation of the border between the two parties. On October 12, nearly a month after Azerbaijan's attack, the Security Council of Armenia said there would be a peace deal between the two countries by the end of the year.[238]
The OSCE also sent a Needs Assessment Team to Armenia between 21 and 27 October 2022, following a request made by the government of Armenia. The OSCE sent a group of international experts and representatives of the OSCE Secretariat to assess the situation in certain border areas along the Armenia–Azerbaijan border.[239]
January 2023
On 23 January, the European Union Mission in Armenia (EUMA) launched its operations. The objective of the CSDP mission is to contribute to stability in the border areas of Armenia, build confidence on the ground, conduct active patrolling and reporting, and to support normalization efforts between Armenia and Azerbaijan led by the President of the European Council, Charles Michel.[240] EUMA will have an initial mandate of 2 years with the possibility of extension.
April 2023
A skirmish resulting in 7 people dying occurred near the village of Tegh which is the last village on the Lachin Corridor in Armenia before it enters Azerbaijani territory.[241][242] Video footage released by the Armenian Ministry of Defence showed Azerbaijani troops firing after approaching Armenian soldiers who were digging trenches along the border.[243] The French Foreign Ministry issued a statement: "Armenia's territorial integrity must be respected and Azerbaijani forces occupying positions on the Armenian side of the line of contact must withdraw in order to prevent future incidents and preserve the foundations of a lasting peace in the region."[244]
May 2023
On 5 May, US Secretary of StateAntony Blinken stated, "a peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan is within reach," following the conclusion of four days of extensive negotiations held in Washington, D.C. Blinken confirmed that progress had been made and was hopeful that President Aliyev and Prime Minister Pashinyan would likely come up with a framework agreement on the sidelines of the 2nd European Political Community Summit to be held in Moldova in June 2023.[245]
Following the negotiations held in the US, it was announced that Armenia and Azerbaijan would resume peace talks in Brussels. According to officials, Western entities are encouraging mediation efforts between the two sides. President Aliyev and Prime Minister Pashinyan are set to meet with European Council president Charles Michel, followed by another meeting with German chancellor Olaf Scholz and French president Emmanuel Macron.[246]
Azerbaijani and Armenian forces exchanged artillery fire on 11 May along the border, near the town of Sotk in the Gegharkunik Province, leaving at least one soldier dead with several others wounded.[247] Both sides traded blame.[248][249] Tensions escalated after Azerbaijan installed a checkpoint to the Lachin corridor in 2022.[248]
July 2023
Nikol Pashinyan issued a warning that there is a likely chance of a third war unless both sides can reach a permanent peace.[250]
September 2023
On 3 September, during an interview, Armenian prime minister Nikol Pashinyan stated that it was a strategic mistake for Armenia to solely rely on Russia to guarantee its security. Pashinyan stated, "Moscow has been unable to deliver and is in the process of winding down its role in the wider South Caucasus region" and "the Russian Federation cannot meet Armenia's security needs. This example should demonstrate to us that dependence on just one partner in security matters is a strategic mistake." Pashinyan accused Russian peacekeepers of failing to uphold the ceasefire deal. Pashinyan confirmed that Armenia is trying to diversify its security arrangements, most notably with the European Union and the United States.[251]
On 7 September, speaking at a meeting of senior government officials, Armenian prime minister Nikol Pashinyan accused Azerbaijan of building up an army on the Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenian borders.[252][253]
February 2024
Four Armenian soldiers were killed and one wounded on 13 February around the village of Nerkin Hand (Syunik), an area from which Azerbaijan previously had seized territory during its September 2022 attacks.[254] Azerbaijan stated it had "completely destroyed" an Armenian defensive position in a staged "a revenge operation" for a "provocation" it said Armenian forces had committed the day before. Armenia denied the allegations.[255][256][257] Azerbaijan dubbed its attack "Operation Revenge," a name it has used for several previous operations.[258]
On 7 November 2024, during the 5th European Political Community Summit, Armenian Minister of Foreign Affairs Ararat Mirzoyan participated in a meeting organized by Péter Szijjártó, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade of Hungary. Mirzoyan discussed regional issues and presented the latest developments in the process of normalization of relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan, including the border delimitation process between the two countries and efforts towards the conclusion of a peace treaty.[265]
Multiple genocide prevention advocates have expressed concern over these developments and warned of the growing risk of genocide against Armenians in the Caucasus:
The Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention has criticized the international community for not adequately addressing the situation and has stated that the seizure of Armenia's Syunik region would "realize the pan-Turkic dream that fueled the Armenian Genocide of 1915-1923,"[278][279][280] adding that Azerbaijan's "actions extend far beyond mere territorial disputes, touching upon the very existence of Armenia and Armenians in what is left of their ancestral homeland."[281] The International Association of Genocide Scholars states that Azerbaijan's September 2022 attacks displaced over 7000 civilians "in an attempt to ethnically cleanse Armenians from a large portion of the Republic of Armenia," noting Azerbaijan's history of hate speech and cultural destruction towards Armenians and Armenian culture.[282]The Fund for Peace states that Azerbaijan's military offensives have increased the fragility of the Armenian state, noting "the risk of genocide against Armenians in Azerbaijan, Nagorno-Karabakh, and Armenia."[283]Genocide Watch states that "Azerbaijan will amputate one limb of the Armenian body after another until Armenia is beheaded. Armenians will never be safe under Azerbaijani rule. Peace for Armenians will only come when they can live freely in their own homeland....the U.S. and NATO should demand that Azerbaijan stop its invasions of Armenian homelands."[284]
According to former first ICC prosecutor, Luis Moreno Ocampo, a "genocidal strategy was implemented in sovereign Armenia's provinces of Gegarkunik, Syunik, Vayots Dzor, and Ararat in May 2021, resulting in the unlawful, forcible displacement of at least 3,000 ethnic Armenians," adding that "Azerbaijan’s parliament confirmed its genocidal intent by adopting a resolution...claiming its sovereignty over the entirety of Armenian territory and marking the first genocide adopted by a parliament."[285] Henry Theriault writes that "With every new incursion into Armenian Republic lands, with every destruction of an Armenian church in Artsakh, with every fabricated proclamation about Armenian commission of genocide against Azeris, Talat, Enver, and Cemal’s fantasy of the final end of Armenians in Asia Minor—and around the world—becomes more and more real."[286]
Situation in Nagorno-Karabakh
Current situation
Since March 26, 2023, the Azerbaijani government has formalized its blockade of the Republic of Artsakh by seizing strategic ground around the Lachin corridor both within Artsakh and Armenia, installing a military outpost that blocks a bypass dirt road that provided relief, blocking the old section of the Lachin corridor, and installing a checkpoint at the new section.[287][288][289][290][291][292][293] Azerbaijan has ignored calls from the Russian peacekeepers to observe the 2020 ceasefire conditions and return to their initial territorial positions behind the Line of Contact.[287][294][289][290][295] Azerbaijan has also ignored calls from the International Court of Justice, the European Court of Human Rights, and other international entities to restore freedom of movement across the Lachin corridor.[296]
Timeline
On 11 October 2021, an Armenian civilian named Aram Tepnants was shot dead by Azerbaijani snipers in the town of Martakert. Russia's Ministry of Defense confirmed the incident and stated that Russian peacekeepers launched an investigation involving both sides.[297]
On 8 November 2021, one Armenian civilian was killed and three wounded as Azerbaijani troops opened fire at Armenians repairing a water supply pipe near Shushi. Russia's Ministry of Defense confirmed the incident and stated that Russian peacekeepers launched an investigation involving both sides.[298] The U.S. Department of StateBureau of European and Eurasian Affairs condemned the killing of the Armenian civilian.[299][300]
On 8 March, it was reported that the only gas pipeline leading from Armenia to the Armenian-inhabited enclave of Artsakh was damaged, as tension spiked in the region following the launch of Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The energy supply was reportedly disrupted again on the evening of March 21. Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and Artsakh authorities have accused the Azerbaijan government of deliberately creating additional humanitarian problems for the population of Artsakh.[301][302]
On 24 March, Azerbaijani soldiers crossed the Line of Contact and took control of the village of Farukh, using firearms and drones,[303] with women and children being evacuated from the nearby village of Khramort. Russian peacekeepers were reported to be negotiating with Azerbaijan.[304] On 27 March 2022, the Russian Defense Ministry reported that Azerbaijani forces had withdrawn from the village.[305][306] This statement was refuted by the Azerbaijani Ministry of Defense.[307] On 30 March 2022, Artsakh authorities stated that Azerbaijani forces were still occupying the strategically important Karaglukh heights.[308]
On 15 April 2022 Azerbaijani forces crossed the Line of Contact near the village of Seysulan. Later that day, they reportedly agreed to pull back.[309]
Clashes broke out again in late July and early August 2022. On August 1, the Artsakh Defence Army reported that Azerbaijan attempted to breach the line of contact in northern Nagorno-Karabakh, wounding one soldier. Azerbaijan Defence Ministry denied these claims, and the Russian Defence Ministry reported no ceasefire violations that day.[310]
Over the next two days, clashes erupted again, killing one Azerbaijani soldier, two Artsakh Defence Army soldiers, and wounding 14 others. The international community reacted quickly, with Russia accusing Azerbaijan of breaking the fragile ceasefire and the European Union urging an immediate cessation of hostilities.[311]
According to the Azerbaijani Defence Ministry, Artsakhi soldiers had attacked Azerbaijan army posts in the area of Lachin, killing a conscript. In response, the Azerbaijani army stated it conducted an operation called "Revenge" and took control of several strategic heights in Karabakh. The Artsakh Defence Army accused Azerbaijan of violating the ceasefire and declared a partial mobilization. Following the flare-up, Armenia urged the international community to assist in putting an end to Azerbaijan's "aggressive actions".[311]
On 26 August, the Azerbaijani armed forces took full control of the Lachin Corridor area including Lachin and the villages of Zabukh and Sus as part of the 2020 cease-fire agreement.
On 14 September, the Azerbaijani military violated the ceasefire in Nagorno-Karabakh in the early hours of Thursday. Azerbaijani forces used small arms in the shooting in the region.[312]
Following the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War, the Russian military increased its presence within Armenia. Meanwhile, the European Union initiated a civilian monitoring mission in Armenia to ensure stability in the border areas with Azerbaijan. Blue points correspond to locations of increased Russian military presence. Red points correspond to current or future field offices of the European Union Mission in Armenia (EUMA).
Various countries, supranational organizations, and human rights organizations have called for an end to the hostilities and supporting bilateral border demarcation, respecting the terms of the 2020 ceasefire agreement, and for Azerbaijan to pull back its forces from Armenian territory.
Following the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War, both Russia and the European Union have increased their presence in Armenia along the border with Azerbaijan in order to improve stability of the border and deter offensives from Azerbaijan.[316][317] Upon Armenia's request, Russia's Federal Security Service expanded its patrols within Armenia and the EU contributed a civilian monitoring mission to Armenia. However, while both entities have deterred the possibility of full-scale warfare, they have been unable to fully prevent Azerbaijan's goals.[318]
Russia and the European Union have criticized each other's presence within Armenia. The European Union encouraged Armenia to seek alternative security alliances given "Russia's alleged readiness to guarantee the security of Armenia has proven to be non-existent."[319] Russia, in turn, criticized the EU and claims it is an effort by the West to diminish Russia's power in the region.[320] In January 2023, an EU official said that there were cases where EUMCAP monitors were turned back by Russian border guards within Armenia, even though they were accompanied by Armenian Defense officials.[317]
Supranational organizations
European Union – The European Parliament declared that the entry of troops from Azerbaijan into the territory of Armenia amount to a violation of the territorial integrity of Armenia and of international law; whereas this violation of Armenian sovereign territory follows worrying statements by Azerbaijani representatives, including the president, which appeared to raise territorial claims and threaten the use of force and thereby undermine the efforts towards security and stability in the region.[321] The European Parliament also issued a report in March 2023, condemning Azerbaijan's attack of Armenia in 2022 and—considering CSTO's inaction during the invasion—encouraged Armenia to seek alternative security alliances.[319][322] Following the November 2021 escalation, the EU Delegation for relations with the South Caucasus released a statement expressing serious concern over the "military operation launched by Azerbaijan in response to alleged provocations" and condemned "any attempts at "borderisation", as observed since the incursion of Azerbaijani troops into Armenian territory on 12 May".[50]MEPs also condemned "Turkey's expansionist and destabilizing role in the South Caucasus" given that it is Azerbaijan's traditional ally in the conflict.[323]
Council of Europe – The organization issued a report stating "While it is difficult to negotiate with a party [Azerbaijan] keen to employ hate rhetoric and even denying Armenia's territorial integrity, it is crucial for Armenia to continue to do its utmost to contribute to the de-escalation of the tensions on the ground."[324] Secretary General Marija Pejčinović Burić stated, "Reports of escalating armed hostilities around the Armenian-Azerbaijani border are very alarming. Disagreements between Council of Europe member States must be resolved peacefully through negotiations. Recent direct contacts between the highest authorities of both countries were promising and should be continued. When entering the Council of Europe, Armenia and Azerbaijan committed to resolve the conflict peacefully. That commitment must be respected. The Council of Europe is ready to assist in reconciliation efforts which contribute to achieving a peaceful settlement".[325]
OSCE – The U.S. representative stated, "We expect Azerbaijan to pull back all forces and call on both sides to begin immediately negotiations to demarcate their shared international borders."[156] The Co-Chairs of the Minsk Group took note of the reported detention of six Armenian soldiers on 27 May and called for the release of all prisoners of war and other detainees on an all for all basis.[326] Together, the Council of Europe, the OSCE also offered diplomatic services to resolve the conflict which privately "outraged" Baku.[51]
Collective Security Treaty Organization – a military alliance in Eurasia consisting of several post-Soviet states, declared that it is closely monitoring the situation evolving in Syunik and if necessary, measures will be taken according to CSTO policy.[327] The CSTO declined to provide assistance to Armenia in both May 2021 and September 2022. Former Secretary General Nikolay Bordyuzha said that only in the most extreme case would the organization use force against a former Soviet Republic.[89]
NATO – Javier Colomina, special Representative for the Caucasus & Central Asia, called for 'an immediate cessation of hostilities and urgent de-escalation'.[328]
Canada – Commenting on Azerbaijan's September 2022 attacks, Foreign Minister Mélanie Joly tweeted that "Canada is very concerned by the rise in hostilities between Armenia and Azerbaijan, including strikes against settlements and civilian infrastructure inside Armenia. We urge for de-escalation, full respect of the ceasefire, and return to meaningful dialogue via the OSCE."[329][330]
Estonia – Marina Kaljurand, foreign minister, MEP, and chair of the Delegation for Relations with the South Caucasus, condemned Azerbaijan's "large-scale military attack", adding that Azerbaijan is "taking advantage of the global and regional situation created by the aggression of Russia against Ukraine".[328]
France – Following Azerbaijan's incursions in May 2021, President Emmanuel Macron wrote "Azerbaijan's armed forces have invaded Armenian territory. They must be immediately withdrawn."[140]
India – Commenting on Azerbaijan's September 2022 attacks, the spokesperson of the Foreign Ministry called on the "aggressor side to immediately cease hostilities" adding that they "have seen reports of attacks along the Armenia-Azerbaijan border, including targeting of civilian settlements and infrastructure."[331]
Iran – Mojtaba Zolnouri, the head of the Islamic Consultative Assembly's National Security and Foreign Policy Committee, declared that Tehran will categorically not accept any change in international borders in the region and that the territorial integrity of the countries in the region must be preserved. "Therefore, if part of the territory of Armenia is to be taken and our border conditions change, that is, to have a new neighbor, it is not acceptable for us," Zolnouri said.[332] Later, in a meeting with the acting Armenian Foreign Minister, the Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif confirmed that any redrawing of the borders is a red line for Iran.[333] Analysts consider Iran's decision to open a consulate in Syunik in August 2022 to be an expression of diplmatic support for Armenia's territorial integrity.[334][335] Iran has also offered diplomatic mediation assistance in July 2021 after fighting along the border.[336]
Pakistan – The Ministry of Foreign Affairs reaffirmed the support from people and government of Pakistan for Azerbaijan on Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Pakistan is the only country in the world that does not recognize Armenia as a country since the creation of new states of Azerbaijan and Armenia after collapse of Soviet union to show a solidarity and support with Azerbaijani people on Nagorno-Karabkh conflict.
Russia – President Vladimir Putin urged both countries to respect the ceasefire agreement, and that Russia will continue mediating efforts. Putin's spokesman Dmitry Peskov stated that "The Armenian side expressed extreme concern over the situation at the border", and that "President Putin shared this concern".[150] Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov stated that Russia sees no reason to escalate emotions with regard to the situation at the border: "Not a single shot was fired, no skirmishes took place there. They sat down, calmly began to discuss how to defuse this situation, and asked us for assistance. Our military provided such assistance, an agreement was reached. I do not see any reason to escalate emotions in connection with this quite non-routine, but in any case calmly settled issue."[337]
Turkey – The AKP's spokesperson, Ömer Çelik, condemned Armenia's "aggressive policies"; and also said, "We condemn this attack in the strongest manner." Çelik added that Turkey would oppose Armenian efforts to "endanger" the region.[338] He also criticized France's pro-Armenia response;[339] urging other countries to condemn "Armenian attacks". Celik clarified that "Turkey will support Azerbaijan in whatever they want" and accused Armenia of violating Azerbaijan's territorial integrity.[340]
United States – The State Department initially voiced concerns regarding "increased tensions along a non-demarcated portion of the Armenia-Azerbaijan border", urging "restraint in de-escalating the situation peacefully".[44] Later on, U.S. State Department spokeswomanJalina Porter stated that the United States were monitoring the situation closely, and that it expected Azerbaijan to "immediately pull back its forces" and "cease further provocation":[341]
The United States is concerned by recent developments along the international border between Armenia and Azerbaijan, including the detention of several Armenian soldiers by Azerbaijani forces. We call on both sides to urgently and peacefully resolve this incident. We also continue to call on Azerbaijan to release immediately all prisoners of war and other detainees, and we remind Azerbaijan of its obligations under international humanitarian law to treat all detainees humanely.[342][343]
In his 27 May 2021 press statement, U.S. State Department spokesperson Ned Price stated that the U.S. considers any movements along the non-demarcated areas of the international border between Armenia and Azerbaijan to be provocative and unnecessary and rejects the use of force to demarcate the border, calling on both sides to return to their previous positions and to cease military fortification of the non-demarcated border and the emplacement of landmines. Specifically, the U.S. called on Azerbaijan and Armenia to relocate their forces to the positions they held on 11 May, to de-escalate tensions, and create space for a peaceful negotiation process to demarcate the border on an urgent basis.[344] During his visit to Foreign Ministry of Armenia on 10 June 2021, the Acting U.S. Assistant Secretary for European and Eurasian AffairsPhilip Reeker reaffirmed the U.S. position on the necessity to withdraw Azerbaijani forces from Armenian border.[345] Senator Bob Menendez, Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, wrote a letter in February 2023 criticizing the US Commerce Department for exporting weapons to Azerbaijan, highlighting "well-documented and credible allegations of Azerbaijan's atrocities against Armenians – including the deaths and displacement of thousands of Armenians in the wake of the 2020 Nagorno Karabakh War, the 2022 invasion of Armenia, in addition to Baku's ongoing blockade of the Lachin Corridor."[346]
Other organizations
Reporters Without Borders – reported on 23 June 2021 that a group of Spanish journalists have been threatened with death by Azerbaijani forces while reporting on their position in the Gegharkunik province. RWB condemned "this unacceptable act toward journalists".[347]
Freedom House – condemned Azerbaijan's attacks on Armenia, stating "military attacks on sovereign nations have no place in the rules-based international order".[218] The organization also said "With its dependence on authoritarian Russia for military protection against Azerbaijan, its openly hostile and equally authoritarian neighbor, Armenia's democratic project faces uniquely powerful headwinds," adding that "there are abundant indications that an expansion of Baku's control over...parts of Armenia would eliminate the freedoms and security of local people in much the same way [as Moscow's seizure of Ukrainian territory]".[348]
Human Rights Watch – analyzed several videos of inhumane killings of Armenian prisoners-of-war by Azerbaijani forces,[349] describing them as war crimes: Hugh Williamson, Europe and Central Asia director at Human Rights Watch said "These soldiers had been captured and laid down their arms. Their captors had an obligation to treat them humanely, and instead it appears that Azerbaijani forces shot them in cold blood. Now they need to be held accountable."[350]
Armenian National Committee of America – Its program director, Alex Galitsky, wrote "by violating Armenia's sovereignty, Baku has demonstrated that this conflict was never truly about the principle of territorial integrity for Azerbaijan. After all, if Azerbaijan's objectives were limited to territorial control, there would not have been systematic destruction of Armenian cultural heritage sites, the deliberate targeting of civilians, and exceedingly inflammatory rhetoric from the regime in Baku seeking to erase the very existence of the Armenian people."[351]
Helsinki Citizens' Assembly of Vanadzor – Artur Sakunts, a human rights activist and chair of the organization wrote "If Armenia does not show determination now and does not get out of the deadlock of the CSTO-Eurasian Union-trilateral statement of November 9, 2020 and does not take a step toward becoming part of the United States-France-European Union civilized system, then Putin, Erdogan and Aliyev will devour Armenia."[352]
Fund for Peace – The institute wrote, "The most recent attacks [by Azerbaijan in September 2022] are, in part, responsible for Armenia's rise from 97th to 93rd most fragile state this year, and even more significantly, the rise from 108th most fragile in 2019," adding that "As peace talks between Armenia and Azerbaijan continue, the international community has the opportunity to support genocide prevention in Armenia and Azerbaijan."
The Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention – issued multiple alerts stating that an Azerbaijani invasion of Armenia runs a "high risk of genocide," and identified Azerbaijan's expansionist "Western Azerbaijan" territorial claims to Syunik as a longstanding pan-Turkic ambition. Commenting on Azeri-Armenian negotiations, the organization stated that "there is no reason to believe that Azerbaijan will abide by any treaty or that its expansionist ambitions will stop with Artsakh."[353][354]
World Federalist Movement – Following Azerbaijan's September 2022 attacks, the organization said "This aggression was predictable in light of the international community's failure to condemn Azerbaijan and Turkey's war crimes during the 44-day war and the community's mute response to post 2020 developments, lacking any condemnation of actions by Baku." The organization also called for the international community to act, stating that "the sanctions that should be applied against Azerbaijan should be similar to those applied against Russia by the western powers as both are threat to democracies."[355]
Analysis
Azerbaijan's position
Azerbaijan has defended its military activities within sovereign Armenian territory using various narratives: claiming that, without formal border demarcation its soldiers cannot be accused of occupation,[128][135] its soldiers were merely accessing Azerbaijani territory inaccessible due to poor weather conditions,[145][356] it is responding to Armenian "provocations",[213][221][357][220] and that it is defending Azerbaijan's "territorial integrity".[358] Azerbaijan has also frequently given "Revenge" titles to its military operations against Armenia and Artsakh, claiming that it is exacting retribution for alleged deaths of its soldiers.[359][360][361][362] Azerbaijani media outlets and notable politicians within the country called for occupation of more Armenian land after Azerbaijan's September 2022 attacks, claiming that a "buffer zone" was needed to deter "Armenian provocations."[136][137]
Various journalists, politicians, and political analysts have scrutinized several of these allegations and consider them unfounded or unverifiable.[205][206][207][208][224][226] Political analysts and genocide scholars say that Azerbaijan employs a "mirroring" tactic which is common among genocidal regimes and here "involves accusing Armenia and Armenians of committing the crimes that it itself has committed or is planning to commit."[363][364][365]
Commenting on Azerbaijan's May 2021 incursion, Eurasianet noted "while those [Soviet-era] maps were not meant to strictly delineate an international border, they do all appear to show that most of Sev Lake is in Armenian territory, which would mean an [Azerbaijani] attempt to surround it would be an infiltration."[356] According to cartographer Rouben Galichian, Azerbaijan's claims to enclaves within Armenia is inconsistent with Azerbaijan’s Declaration of Independence which claims it to be the heir of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic (1918-1920) rather than the Azeri Soviet Republic (1920-1991).[366][367][368][369] The cartographer states that between 1918-1920, there were no enclaves in Armenia or Azerbaijan (including Nakhichevan and Artsakh) and that the Soviets gifted over 3000 square kilometers of Armenian territory to Azerbaijan between 1928 and 1948, including the Al Lakes,[370][371] territory intervening Armenia and Artsakh, and various slices of Syunik (Zangezur).[370]
Critics have argued that Azerbaijan's September 2022 attacks on Armenia undermined the government's official narrative of "territorial integrity", noting that for the last 10 years Azerbaijan has increasingly promoted expansionist territorial claims against sovereign Armenian territory (distinct from Nagorno-Karabakh).[372][373]
"Borderization" of Armenia
Borderization refers to the physical demarcation of a border which prevents the free movement of people and goods.[2]
Laurence Broers, South Caucasus programme director at London-based peacebuilding organization Conciliation Resources, wrote "Azerbaijan's attack demonstrated the potential for Armenia to be cut in two, given it is a mere 40 kilometres (25 miles) across at its narrowest point."[374] Laurence Broers also says that Azerbaijan's motivations are to have Armenia formally relinquish any claim to Artsakh: "Baku is seeking to avoid a repeat of the 1990s – where the militarily victorious side, then Armenia, was not able to consolidate its victory into a favorable peace from a position of strength."[51]
The analyst argues that Azerbaijan is using "coercive bargaining strategy" in order to extract concessions from Armenia on various issues, including minefield maps, the Syunik corridor, and that never-demarcated borders allow conversion of dated or ambiguous cartographies into better positions for Azerbaijan. This "borderization", according to Broers, also pressures Russia by showing that Russian security guarantees to Armenia are tractable relative to other issues; testing CSTO collective security guarantees and testing Russia's capacity to broker.[375] Broers further expanded on the theme of "borderization" of Armenia by Azerbaijan in his review published by Chatham House.[376] The tactics applied by Azerbaijan towards Armenia after the 2020 war were described as "borderization" tactics in an article published in the Georgetown Journal of International Affairs on June 16, 2021.[377] Joint statement on 17 November 2021 by the Chair of the Delegation for relations with the South Caucasus, Marina Kaljurand, the European Parliament's Standing Rapporteur on Armenia Andrey Kovatchev and the European Parliament's Standing Rapporteur on Azerbaijan, Željana Zovko called the military operation launched by Azerbaijan on 16 November 2021 the worst violation to-date since ceasefire agreement, condemning any attempts at "borderisation", as observed since the incursion of Azerbaijani troops into Armenian territory on 12 May 2021.[48]
According to the geopolitical intelligence firm Stratfor, "Azerbaijan remains unlikely to launch a large-scale military operation to seize large swaths of new territory in Nagorno-Karabakh or Armenia, as less costly methods can enable Baku to maintain progress toward its goals. Each time Azerbaijani forces gain ground, it improves their tactical position — even if those territorial gains only move the de facto line of contact by a matter of meters."[378]
Inaction of Russia and the Collective Security Treaty Organization
Russia is ostensibly Armenia's security guarantor due to the countries sharing a bilateral security alliance[379] and their joint membership in the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) which stipulates that members assist each other in order to protect territorial integrity:
In the case of aggression (an armed attack threatening safety, stability, territorial integrity and sovereignty) against any Member States, all other Member States at request of this Member State shall immediately provide the latter with the necessary aid, including military."
— CSTO charter, Article 4
However, neither Russia nor other members of the military alliance are providing military assistance against Azerbaijan's offensive. Various political analysts and politicians have said that Azerbaijan's attacks were emboldened by Russia's preoccupation with its invasion of Ukraine, Azerbaijan's military ties with Russia,[380] Azerbaijan's economic ties with Russia other European powers, and Russia's own interest in creating the "Zangezur corridor."[381][382][383][384][385]
Armenia requested CSTO's assistance two times, following various territorial incursions by Azerbaijan: in March 2021.[149][150][151][152] and in September 2022. The CSTO declined Armenia's request both times.[352] Instead of providing immediate assistance following Azerbaijan's September 2022 attack, the CSTO opted to send a "fact-finding mission" one week later and stated that it did not anticipate sending military aid even before the mission arrived.[352]
The CSTO's inaction in helping Armenia prompted the European Parliament to encourage Armenia to seek alternative security alliances.[319][322] Nerses Kopalyan, a political scientist, wrote that "The Russian peacekeepers function more like an impotent observation mission than an armed contingent."[386]
Nikolay Bordyuzha, the former longtime secretary general of the CSTO said "the issue is Armenian territory, the ownership of which is not under question," adding that "the entire international community sees this territory as the sovereign territory of Armenia. According to its own documents, the CSTO is obliged to react in the case of an incursion by the armed forces of another state."[387][156] Neil Hauer, a journalist specializing in the Caucasus points out that Azerbaijan's September 2022 invasion of Armenia occurred only a few days after Russia's forces experienced military setbacks in Ukraine's Kharkiv region and the "CSTO was exposed as a paper tiger."[223]
Inaction of the European Union
Various critics argue that the conflict is not being presented in the West in the same light as the Russian invasion of Ukraine despite the fact that Armenia is making democratic reforms against Azerbaijan's increasingly authoritarian state.[388][389][390][391]
Azerbaijan is a major exporter of oil and gas to Europe[392] and, with the aim to reduce its dependence on Russian imports, the European Union signed a gas-supply agreement with Azerbaijan in July 2022, which has been perceived as emboldening Azerbaijan's actions.[374][223]
However, political scientist, Suren Surenyants, considers it positive that European MEPs have "declared the September military actions [by Azerbaijan] an occupation and did not link this aggression with the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict." But Surenyants does not expect Azerbaijan's occupation of Armenia to end without concrete action from the international community: "Azerbaijanis are carrying out engineering work on the sovereign Armenian territory, equipping positions. Not a single international structure, not a single geopolitical center created a situation for Aliyev in which he would be forced to leave these territories."[123]
The EU has attempted to mediate a "peace agreement" between Armenia and Azerbaijan that includes a Joint Border Commission to delimit the countries' mutual boundary line. Commenting on this, Tigran Grigoryan, a political analyst said "What I'm seeing now is an attempt by the European Union [...] to establish a victor's peace at the expense of Armenia where Armenian interests are not taken into consideration at all."[393] The EU has treated both Armenia and Azerbaijan as equal parties despite the asymmetry in military and political power between the countries. The EU's response to the ethnic cleansing of Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh has been limited to vague statements that are bothsidist in nature, without naming the aggressor.[394] Since the 2020 war, every military escalation has resulted Azerbaijani forces gaining ground, which political scientist Karena Avedissian, describes as the "creeping annexation" of Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia.[394]
In July 2024, European Council President Charles Michel urged Armenia and Azerbaijan to finalize a peace agreement amid rising tensions, following Azerbaijan's recent offensive in Nagorno-Karabakh and ongoing border disputes.[395]
^ abcKhudoyan, Knar (19 October 2022). "Will Armenia and Azerbaijan reach a peace deal?". Open Democracy. Archived from the original on 20 April 2023. Retrieved 22 April 2023. Azerbaijan has now occupied roughly 50 square kilometres of Armenian territory since the 2020 conflict.
^"Azerbaijan hands over 10 more captured soldiers to Armenia". Yahoo News. 19 December 2021. Archived from the original on 19 December 2021. Retrieved 23 December 2021. In a statement, Azerbaijan's State Security Service said it had handed over 10 Armenian soldiers who were detained on Nov. 16. It also released 10 soldiers earlier in December. On that occasion, Russia played the mediation role.
^ ab"Will Armenia and Azerbaijan reach a peace deal?". openDemocracy. Archived from the original on 20 April 2023. Retrieved 20 April 2023. Azerbaijan has now occupied roughly 50 square kilometres of Armenian territory since the 2020 conflict.
^ ab"Russia once again alleges ceasefire violation by Azerbaijan". KarabakhSpace.eu. Archived from the original on 2 June 2023. Retrieved 2 June 2023. This is now the second time ever that Moscow has accused Azerbaijan of violating the ceasefire, after it called out Baku for its actions on 26 March.
^ abcdKucera, Joshua (23 July 2021). "Cross-border shooting escalates as Azerbaijan seeks formal agreement with Armenia". Eurasianet. Archived from the original on 17 May 2023. Retrieved 17 May 2023. It has been a long-established pattern that some kind of fighting breaks out and demands the world's attention precisely when Baku is unhappy with the pace of negotiations with Armenia to resolve the conflict.
^"Reassessing the Risk of an Escalation in Nagorno-Karabakh | RANE". Stratfor. Archived from the original on 10 April 2023. Retrieved 15 June 2023. So long as talks appear stalled, Azerbaijan will likely turn to small-scale violations of the cease-fire to seize tactically advantageous areas in Nagorno-Karabakh, or similar actions along the Armenia-Azerbaijan border. Baku has used this strategy on multiple occasions since the cease-fire was signed in November 2020 to force diplomatic progress by simultaneously demonstrating and increasing its leverage.
^Sukiasyan, Narek (15 September 2022). "Armenia is under attack". www.ips-journal.eu. Archived from the original on 25 April 2023. Retrieved 25 April 2023. At midnight on Tuesday Azerbaijan launched the largest attack on the Republic of Armenia (unrelated to the line of contact of Nagorno Karabakh) in the entire history of the conflict between these two countries.
^Reichardt, Adam (20 September 2022). "What's behind the new round of clashes between Armenia and Azerbaijan". New Eastern Europe. Archived from the original on 25 April 2023. Retrieved 2 May 2023. The September clashes were the most serious armed incident between Armenia and Azerbaijan since the 2020 Karabakh war...however, this time the clashes took place along their shared southern border (not the contested region).
^Kucera, Joshua (14 September 2022). "Fighting continues on Armenia-Azerbaijan border". Eurasianet. Archived from the original on 25 May 2023. Retrieved 25 May 2023. It is the first time that Azerbaijan has struck targets in large numbers inside Armenian territory; most fighting between the two sides has previously taken place in and around Nagorno-Karabakh, internationally recognized as Azerbaijani territory.
^"Aliyev, a Challenge to Armenian Sovereignty and the Rules-Based World Order". Journal on World Affairs, UCLA. 21 September 2022. Archived from the original on 20 June 2023. Retrieved 14 June 2023. It is enough to look at the continuous pattern of diverse threats, ranging from military to economic, made by the Aliyev regime to understand who the aggressor is and what the goals are. For example, Aliyev recently threatened full-scale war with Armenia if the country tries to pursue any international discussions or negotiations about the status of Nagorno-Karabakh and the thousands of Armenians who still live in their indigenous lands under the protection of the Russian peacekeeping force.
^"Aliyev offers 'amnesty' to Stepanakert authorities if they dissolve government and parliament". OC Media. 29 May 2023. Archived from the original on 2 June 2023. Retrieved 2 June 2023. 'Whatever will happen there, the border will be where we say it should be. They [the Armenians] know that we can do it. No one will help them, not the retired French policemen from Europe, not others, not anyone else', said Aliyev, apparently referring to the EU Monitoring Mission in Armenia.
^Bedevian, Astghik (29 March 2023). "Baku Slams Head Of EU Monitoring Mission In Armenia". «Ազատ Եվրոպա/Ազատություն» ռադիոկայան (in Armenian). Archived from the original on 20 June 2023. Retrieved 13 June 2023. 'Many Armenians believe there will be a spring offensive by Azerbaijan. If this doesn't happen, our mission is already a success,' Markus Ritter, the German head of the monitoring mission, told Germany's Deutsche Welle broadcaster this week.
^Korsten, Thijs (25 April 2023). "Treading a Tightrope on the Armenian Border: Reviewing the First Two Months of the EU's New Mission in the South Caucasus". Caucasus Watch. Archived from the original on 5 August 2023. Retrieved 15 June 2023. Unrecognised, undemarcated or otherwise contested borderlines are used as instruments by Russian and Azerbaijani forces, respectively, to destabilise, create 'new realities', and enforce concessions. Everyday livelihoods in the conflict zones are violently disrupted as a result: villagers can no longer safely access farmlands, schools, water resources, relatives or religious sites.
^ abVon Joeden-Forgey, Elisa; Victoria Massimino, Irene (6 May 2023). "Country Visit". Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention. Archived from the original on 18 May 2023. Retrieved 23 May 2023. Azeri soldiers routinely fire on Armenian farmers as they tend to their crops, disrupting their daily lives.
^ abcToal, Gerard; Seferian, Nareg (25 November 2022). "Suddenly a borderland: The new borderization between Armenia and Azerbaijan". Eurasianet. Archived from the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 23 April 2023. All along Armenia's newly militarized eastern border, fearful villagers have stopped using some land that they had previously employed for cultivation or pasture. Incidents of shooting and cattle rustling have become common over the past two years, some resolved through Russian mediation, some not.
^Kucera, Joshua (2 July 2021). "In southern Armenia, warily sizing up the new neighbors". Eurasianet. Archived from the original on 2 February 2022. Retrieved 16 May 2023. For the Armenians who live in the border regions, the effects have been manifold. They have lost access to farmland or pastures they used to use; many have sold, slaughtered, or relocated livestock as a result. Some human residents have moved away, as well, fearing for the future here.
^Forestier-Walker, Robin (19 November 2021). "Armenia and Azerbaijan's new-old border war". Al-Jazeera. Archived from the original on 24 May 2023. Retrieved 24 May 2023. ...the border areas between Armenia's Syunik and Gegharkunik provinces, and Azerbaijan's newly established East Zangezur region have become militarised front lines.
^ abcde"Пашинян заявил о решимости разобраться с Карабахом". Московский Комсомолец. 20 May 2021. Archived from the original on 21 May 2021. Retrieved 21 May 2021. ...on May 12, Azerbaijani troops entered the Lake Sev region in the Syunik region of Armenia. In total, about 600 enemy soldiers turned out to be on the territory of the republic.
^ abcdefKucera, Joshua (2 July 2021). "In southern Armenia, warily sizing up the new neighbors". Eurasianet. Archived from the original on 2 February 2022. Retrieved 16 May 2023. For the Armenians who live in the border regions, the effects have been manifold. They have lost access to farmland or pastures they used to use; many have sold, slaughtered, or relocated livestock as a result. Some human residents have moved away, as well, fearing for the future here.
^Toal, Gerard; Seferian, Nareg (25 November 2022). "Suddenly a borderland: The new borderization between Armenia and Azerbaijan". Eurasianet. Archived from the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 23 April 2023. ...many older residents of Syunik from the generation socialized in Soviet times have active and even pleasant memories of Azerbaijani friends and colleagues.
^Բադալյան, Սուսան (15 March 2022). "Ադրբեջանցիները "վրաններ են խփել Սյունիքի Ներքին Հանդ գյուղի տարածքում". ըստ ՊՆ-ի' ՀՀ ինքնիշխան տարածք չեն մտել". «Ազատ Եվրոպա/Ազատություն» ռադիոկայան (in Armenian). Archived from the original on 6 June 2023. Retrieved 6 June 2023. ...in the Soviet years it was not clear through which part of the forest the Armenian-Azerbaijani border passes. 'At that time, during the Soviet years, none of the adults knew the border. We knew roughly that this was a forest. We entered, but we didn't know 10–20 meters. Is it their territory that we take out wood from, or is it our territory?' ...The friendship between Inner Hand and the neighboring Azerbaijani Kyollu Razdara is in the past, now the residents of Inner Hand are anxiously following the movement of the Azerbaijanis approaching the village.
^Mejlumyan, Ani (7 September 2021). "Armenia scrambles to rebuild new road away from Azerbaijan border". Eurasianet. Archived from the original on 2 February 2022. Retrieved 24 May 2023. The main road connecting the cities of Goris and Kapan in Armenia's Syunik region runs alongside – and in some cases across – the de facto (though not yet formally delineated) Azerbaijani border.
^"Google May Remove the Armenian Toponyms of Artsakh from its Maps at request of Azerbaijan". Monument Watch. 20 January 2022. Archived from the original on 21 June 2023. Retrieved 21 June 2023. The Azerbaijan Cybersecurity Center, furthermore, is also in close contact with Google, and as a result of their mutual agreement, they have already achieved success. Asadov stressed that the addition of new Azerbaijani names to Google Maps was carried out due to their efforts.
^Hirschfeld, Katherine; de Beurs, Kirsten; Brayfield, Brad; Melkonyan-Gottschalk, Ani (2023), Hirschfeld, Katherine; de Beurs, Kirsten; Brayfield, Brad; Melkonyan-Gottschalk, Ani (eds.), "Long-Term Conflict and Environmental Change", New Wars and Old Plagues: Armed Conflict, Environmental Change and Resurgent Malaria in the Southern Caucasus, Cham: Springer International Publishing, pp. 59–84, doi:10.1007/978-3-031-31143-7_5, ISBN978-3-031-31143-7
^Motamedi, Maziar. "Iran opens mission in strategic Armenia region as it expands ties". www.aljazeera.com. Archived from the original on 28 May 2023. Retrieved 28 May 2023. Iranian foreign minister Hossein Amirabdollahian officially inaugurated the consulate on Friday, making Iran the first country to establish a diplomatic mission in the [Syunik] province that is sought by Baku and Ankara.
^"Aliyev says Yerevan 'historically' Azerbaijani". OC Media. 24 December 2022. Archived from the original on 1 January 2023. Retrieved 5 May 2023. During the two-day war, Azerbaijani forces took control of several positions within Armenia that they still hold.
^Բադալյան, Սուսան (15 March 2022). "Ադրբեջանցիները "վրաններ են խփել Սյունիքի Ներքին Հանդ գյուղի տարածքում". ըստ ՊՆ-ի' ՀՀ ինքնիշխան տարածք չեն մտել". «Ազատ Եվրոպա/Ազատություն» ռադիոկայան (in Armenian). Archived from the original on 6 June 2023. Retrieved 6 June 2023. About 10 days ago, the Azerbaijani military put up five new tents and fortified them in the administrative area of Nerkin Handi, informed the administrative head of the village, Khachatur Baghdasaryan. 'They entered the administrative territory of the village, descended 800–900 meters from their position to our territory. There are five tents, and they are digging trenches.'
^"A bird's eye view of Azerbaijan's incursions into Armenia". Civilnet. 19 May 2022. Archived from the original on 19 January 2024. Retrieved 6 June 2023. Azerbaijan has denied entering Armenian territory, but satellite images clearly show Azerbaijani positions inside Armenia, with forwarded military posts, roads and vehicles.
^"Armenia's Defense Ministry Concealed Azerbaijani Advances Near Syunik Village". Civilnet. 31 March 2022. Archived from the original on 21 September 2023. Retrieved 6 June 2023. A #CivilNetCheck visual investigation confirmed, through the study of satellite imagery, that the new road leading to the Azerbaijani positions was built last May. This means that the advance by the Azerbaijani troops into Armenia was concealed from the public for nearly a year.
^Badalian, Susan (3 April 2023). "Azeri Troops Hold On To 'Newly Occupied Armenian Territory'". «Ազատ Եվրոպա/Ազատություն» ռադիոկայան (in Armenian). Archived from the original on 12 June 2023. Retrieved 12 June 2023. Local government officials and farmers said Tegh lost a large part of its agricultural land and pastures. Some of them said that the Azerbaijani military made bigger territorial gains than is admitted by official Yerevan.
^ abToal, Gerard; Seferian, Nareg (25 November 2022). "Suddenly a borderland: The new borderization between Armenia and Azerbaijan". Eurasianet. Archived from the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 23 April 2023. All this has placed Syunik in the spotlight. Often referred to as "the backbone of Armenia," it is a vital transportation node not only to Nagorno-Karabakh, but to the southern border with Iran. That is one of only two open international borders Armenia has now; the other being Georgia to the north. The borders to the west (Turkey) and east (Azerbaijan) have been closed since the First Karabakh War of the early 1990s.
^Sascha Sheehan, Ivan (3 September 2021). "A Plea for Compromise – Reconnecting Armenia With the World". Real Clear Energy. Archived from the original on 4 October 2022. Retrieved 23 May 2023. Over 80% of the former Soviet republic's borders have been closed for more than 30 years, stunting its economic development.
^"Armenians Face a Second Genocide. Will the World Intervene? (Newsweek)". University Network for Human Rights. 1 September 2023. Archived from the original on 16 January 2024. Retrieved 4 February 2024. Azerbaijani forces have continued to torture, displace, extrajudicially kill, and forcibly "disappear" ethnic Armenian soldiers and civilians, both inside of Nagorno-Karabakh and in sovereign Armenia, in violation of the ceasefire agreement and international law.
^"Observations on the Human Rights Situation of People affected by the Conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the Karabakh region". Commissioner for Human Rights. Archived from the original on 15 February 2024. Retrieved 4 February 2024. Constant threats to the life and security of the population living in border villages fuelled a sentiment of fear, disrupting their daily lives and undermining the full enjoyment of their human rights...As indicated in the 2021 Memorandum, a number of Armenian citizens have been arrested and detained by the Azerbaijani military forces along the border for alleged illegal border crossings since the outbreaks of hostilities in 2020.
^ abKucera, Joshua (26 September 2022). "Tension builds on Armenia-Azerbaijan border". Eurasianet. Archived from the original on 26 May 2023. Retrieved 26 May 2023. [President Aliyev said] 'In the absence of border delimitation, no one can claim where the border passes.'
^ abc"Upholding the Ceasefire between Azerbaijan and Armenia". Crisis group. 28 September 2022. Archived from the original on 28 September 2022. Retrieved 4 May 2023. Azerbaijani media outlets, including ones close to the government, as well as a prominent Azerbaijani parliamentarian, have called for Azerbaijan to take control of more land along its border with Armenia. Some describe the move they are advocating as defensive, while others appear to see it as additional leverage for negotiations with Armenia.
^ abcKucera, Joshua; Mejlumyan, Ani (13 September 2022). "Azerbaijan launches wide-ranging attacks against Armenia". Eurasianet. Archived from the original on 14 September 2022. Retrieved 31 May 2023. Following the attack, some Azerbaijani pro-government sources suggested, in what appeared to be a coordinated information campaign, the creation of a 'buffer zone' along Armenia's border with Azerbaijan. "…a safe zone, so to speak, a 'buffer zone,' should be created near the border of Azerbaijan,' according to an analysis in the pro-government report.az. 'A safety zone, that is, a 'buffer zone,' must be created,' said military analyst Uzeir Jafarov in a separate piece on Report.az. '…I believe that the 'buffer zone' should be created in such a way that Armenia does not pose a threat…'
^ abՌ/Կ, «Ազատություն» (27 May 2021). "Yerevan Wants International Observers Deployed On Armenian-Azeri Border". «Ազատ Եվրոպա/Ազատություն» ռադիոկայան (in Armenian). Archived from the original on 27 May 2021. Retrieved 23 May 2023. Azerbaijani troops advanced several kilometers into Armenia's Gegharkunik and Syunik provinces on May 12–14.
^ abcdeKucera, Joshua (27 May 2021). "As Armenia-Azerbaijan border tensions spread, where is Russia?". Eurasianet. Archived from the original on 16 May 2023. Retrieved 16 May 2023. The ongoing tension, and the current authorities' inability to keep it under control, is no doubt harming Pashinyan and his Civil Contract party ahead of the June 20 vote. That makes it improbable that the authorities are deliberately stoking the tension.
^"Yerevan Says Azerbaijan Is Blocking Road Linking Two Parts Of Armenian Region". Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. 26 August 2021. Archived from the original on 24 May 2023. Retrieved 24 May 2023. Under a Russian-brokered peace accord signed between Yerevan and Baku to end the conflict, the 21-kilometer section of the road will continue to be used by Armenians under the supervision of Russian border guards until Armenia can build an alternative road.
^Mejlumyan, Ani (7 September 2021). "Armenia scrambles to rebuild new road away from Azerbaijan border". Eurasianet. Archived from the original on 2 February 2022. Retrieved 24 May 2023. The blockade lasted for nearly 48 hours and was resolved with the help of Russian border guards, which patrol the Armenian side of the border.
^Forestier-Walker, Robin. "Armenia and Azerbaijan's new-old border war". www.aljazeera.com. Archived from the original on 24 May 2023. Retrieved 24 May 2023. While Azerbaijan maintains that Armenia provoked the latest fighting, geolocation of some of the footage recorded since Tuesday strongly indicates incursions by Azerbaijani armed forces inside Armenia proper.
^ abcdHauer, Neil (21 September 2022). "What Azerbaijan's Armenia assault says about new world order". Asia Times. Archived from the original on 5 May 2023. Retrieved 5 May 2023. There was little doubt who started the fighting. Azerbaijan initially claimed that it was merely responding to Armenian "provocations" – a claim echoed by its ally, Turkey – but largely dropped this rhetoric in the following days in favor of other justifications.
^Kucera, Joshua; Mejlumyan, Ani (13 September 2022). "Azerbaijan launches wide-ranging attacks against Armenia". Eurasianet. Archived from the original on 14 September 2022. Retrieved 31 May 2023. Armenia's defense ministry reported attacks, starting around midnight September 13, targeting cities all along the southern part of Armenia's border with Azerbaijan, including Vardenis, Sotk, Artanish, Ishkhanasar, Goris and Kapan.
^Reichardt, Adam (20 September 2022). "What's behind the new round of clashes between Armenia and Azerbaijan". New Eastern Europe. Archived from the original on 25 April 2023. Retrieved 2 May 2023. The September clashes were the most serious armed incident between Armenia and Azerbaijan since the 2020 Karabakh war...however, this time the clashes took place along their shared southern border (not the contested region).
^ abde Waal, Thomas (22 September 2022). "More Storm Clouds Gather Over Armenia, Azerbaijan". Carnegie Europe. Archived from the original on 2 January 2023. Retrieved 4 April 2023. Azerbaijan said there were Armenian "provocations", a claim which cannot be verified. Eyewitnesses describe heavy shelling of military targets and civilian infrastructure in, amongst other places, the village of Sotk and the resort town of Jermuk, whose civilian population was evacuated.
^"Mine Ban Policy | Reports | Monitor". www.the-monitor.org. Archived from the original on 9 June 2023. Retrieved 9 June 2023. The claim that Armenia is producing antipersonnel mines is a recent development and has not been confirmed by non-Azerbaijani sources. Armenia has denied these claims and stated in a letter to the Security Council, dated 13 September 2022, that Azerbaijan was "disseminating false information...in preparation for launching armed aggression."
^ abKucera, Joshua (26 September 2022). "Tension builds on Armenia-Azerbaijan border". Eurasianet. Archived from the original on 26 May 2023. Retrieved 26 May 2023. [President Aliyev] repeated accusations that Armenia had started the fighting of September 12, a claim for which Baku has not offered any evidence.
^Ahmedbeyli, Samira (8 November 2022). ""What will happen next, life will show" – Ilham Aliyev on the situation in the negotiations with Armenia". English Jamnews. Archived from the original on 5 May 2023. Retrieved 5 May 2023. After the operation on September 13–14, the armed forces of Azerbaijan were deployed at the main strategic heights in the direction of the Armenian-Azerbaijani border...Today, from these strategic heights, we see with our own eyes the cities of Garakils (Vanadzor), Kafan (Kapan), Goris, Istisu (Jermuk).
^"Armenia and Azerbaijan: Between war and peace | Think Tank | European Parliament". www.europarl.europa.eu. Archived from the original on 8 June 2023. Retrieved 8 June 2023. ...September 2022 saw the worst hostilities since 2020, with nearly 300 soldiers (an estimated 200 Armenians and 80 Azerbaijanis) killed in an Azerbaijani incursion into Armenian territory – allowing Azerbaijani troops to take control of new positions deep inside Armenia – and at least 7 600 civilians displaced from the Armenian provinces.
^Dovich, Mark (13 February 2024). "Armenia reports 4 soldiers killed in year's first combat deaths". CivilNet. Archived from the original on 13 February 2024. Retrieved 13 February 2024. Azerbaijan took control of swaths of territory around Nerkin Hand, a strategically located border village, during its September 2022 attack on Armenia.
^Kévorkian, Raymond H. "The Final Phase The Cleansing of Armenian and Greek Survivors." Collective and state violence in Turkey: The construction of a national identity from empire to nation-state (2020): 147. "Another cabled order, dated 25 September 1920 and intercepted by Ottoman and British intelligence, is equally revealing of the Kemalist regime's intentions. Signed by Kemal in person, it instructed army commanders about planned operations against Armenia—described as an "obstacle to communications with the Muslim peoples" to whom Turkey had "promised" its help—and tasked the 'Army of the Arax' with 'opening and maintaining communications with Allied forces to the east and northeast.' These orders were complemented by an encrypted telegram dated 8 November that recommended 'achieving our goal in stages, by acting as if we wanted peace.'...It was only by offering itself to the Bolsheviks that Caucasian Armenia managed to escape a third phase of genocide, this time planned by the Kemalist government…Kemalist involvement in genocidal action against Caucasian Armenians.."
^"A Serious Risk of Genocide: Recent Developments in Nagorno-Karabakh | City, University of London". www.city.ac.uk. 7 June 2023. Retrieved 10 May 2024. The blockade [of Nagorno-Karabakh/Artsakh] is, therefore, not an isolated act but one occurring in the context of a war...that Azerbaijan unilaterally began in September 2020 and that has as its aim the takeover of historic Armenian lands in the Republic of Artsakh and in the Republic of Armenia along with the forced displacement ("ethnic cleansing") of the Armenian populations in Azeri-acquired territory.
^Watch, Genocide (6 November 2020). "Genocide Emergency Alert on the War in Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh)" (PDF). genocidewatch. The establishment of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic in 1918 began with the systematic extermination of the Armenian populations living in Azerbaijan and the provinces of Nakhichevan and Nagorno-Karabakh. Often viewed as an extension of the 1915 deportation and genocide of Ottoman Armenians...these historic genocidal massacres contribute to Armenian distrust of Azerbaijan today. Today, Azerbaijan denies displaced Armenians the right to return and forbids a person of Armenian heritage from entering its territory. Due to its denial of past genocide against Armenians, its official use of hate speech, and the current targeting of civilians in Artsakh, Genocide Watch considers Azerbaijan to be at Stage 9: Extermination and Stage 10: Denial.
^"Statement in Response to the Open Letter sent by the Rabbinical Center of Europe to the President and Prime Minister of Armenia". Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention. 9 September 2023. The Lemkin Institute has been raising the alarm about the numerous and growing red flags for genocide against Armenians in the South Caucasus since 2021. An increasing number of NGOs and organizations dedicated to the study and prevention of genocide have also spoken out about this threat, as evidenced by numerous reports and statements…This genocide may already be taking place in the territory of Artsakh/Nagorno-Karabakh…It may also be planned against Armenians in the Republic of Armenia.
^"History Suggests This Winter Could Be Dangerous for Armenians". TIME. 15 December 2022. Retrieved 10 May 2024. Enver's dream of physically connecting Turkey and Azerbaijan was unrealized, but the idea was not extinguished. In mid-September of 2022, Aliyev's forces shelled dozens of towns in eastern Armenia and left evidence of numerous atrocities committed in the process of the invasion.
^Watch, Genocide (24 April 2024). "Genocide Warning: Azerbaijan is invading Armenia". genocidewatch. Retrieved 10 May 2024. "But their true intention is to "connect the Turkic world," according to the Azerbaijani ambassador to Turkey, Rashad Mammadov. Mammadov's words reek of Pan-Turkism, the ideology behind the Armenian Genocide. As seen in Artsakh, attempts to create a New Ottoman Empire will cost thousands of Armenian lives"
^A Peace to End All Peace? Statement on the International Actors Sponsoring So-Called Peace Negotiations Between Armenia and Azerbaijan, Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention, retrieved 10 May 2024, Of particular concern to the Lemkin Institute is the very real threat of genocide that is going unaddressed: Ilham Aliyev has repeatedly threatened the sovereign Republic of Armenia (even suggesting that its capital, Yerevan, is historic Azeri land) and pushing — with its ally Türkiye — for an illegal so-called "Zangezur Corridor" through Armenia's Syunik.
^"State Fragility and the Shadow of Genocide in Nagorno Karabakh and Armenia (the South Caucasus) | The Fund for Peace".fundforpeace.org. Retrieved 4 March 2024. "The most recent attacks [by Azerbaijan in September 2022] are, in part, responsible for Armenia's rise from 97th to 93rd most fragile state this year, and even more significantly, the rise from 108th most fragile in 2019...As peace talks between Armenia and Azerbaijan continue, the international community has the opportunity to support genocide prevention in Armenia and Azerbaijan... The Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention and the International Association of Genocide Scholars have both highlighted the genocide risk factors against Armenians in Azerbaijan, Nagorno Karabakh, and Armenia. Additionally, the Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention, in their fourth Red Flag for Genocide update on Azerbaijan, pinpoint the incrementalization of genocidal processes and how Azerbaijan's actions towards Armenians and Armenia fit within this understanding of genocide.
^Ocampo, Luis Moreno (10 May 2024). "The ICC should consider the new Armenian genocide petition". POLITICO. Retrieved 10 May 2024. Judge Apkarian's legal analysis sheds new light on previous facts, uncovering that a similar genocidal strategy was implemented in sovereign Armenia´s provinces of Gegarkunik, Syunik, Vayots Dzor, and Ararat in May 2021, resulting in the unlawful, forcible displacement of at least 3,000 ethnic Armenians... Today, Azerbaijan's genocidal policy continues to pose an imminent threat to other Armenians residing within Armenia's borders as well. In 2023, Aliyev stated: 'the Azerbaijani flag flied in Karabakh today . . . Today, the Azerbaijani flag flies in the Zangezur mountains. Can that human-like creature [ethnic Armenians] and his likes approach those flags? . . . One day, they may wake up to see the Azerbaijan flag above their heads.'
^Theriault, Henry C. (2024), Kühne, Thomas; Rein, Mary Jane; Mamigonian, Marc A. (eds.), "Taner Akçam as Scholar-Activist and Armenian-Turkish Relations", Documenting the Armenian Genocide: Essays in Honor of Taner Akçam, Palgrave Studies in the History of Genocide, Cham: Springer International Publishing, pp. 211–227, doi:10.1007/978-3-031-36753-3_11, ISBN978-3-031-36753-3
^ ab"Treading a Tightrope on the Armenian Border: Reviewing the First Two Months of the EU's New Mission in the South Caucasus". Caucasus Watch. 25 April 2023. Archived from the original on 5 August 2023. Retrieved 12 June 2023. The following week saw a reconfiguration of road links and military positions in the Lachin Corridor, with Azerbaijani forces constructing a new military post, taking control of strategic heights, ignoring Russian calls to return to their original locations, and seizing land in Armenia around the new road leading from the villages of Tegh and Kornidzor towards Karabakh.
^ abAvetisyan, Ani; Aghayev, Ismi (26 March 2023). "Azerbaijan 'breaches line of contact' seizing positions in Nagorno-Karabakh". OC Media. Archived from the original on 9 June 2023. Retrieved 28 March 2023. The Russian Defence Ministry said Azerbaijani troops had 'breached' the line of contact in violation of the 9 November ceasefire agreement, which brought an end to the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War. They said Azerbaijani forces had taken up new positions near Shusha.
^ abStepanian, Ruzanna (27 March 2023). "Bypass Road In Karabakh Not Used After Azeri Advance". «Ազատ Եվրոպա/Ազատություն» ռադիոկայան (in Armenian). Archived from the original on 1 October 2023. Retrieved 28 March 2023. Azerbaijani forces continued to occupy on Monday a strategic hill near the Lachin corridor seized by them at the weekend, further complicating Nagorno-Karabakh's communication with Armenia and the outside world...the high ground occupied by Azerbaijani soldiers overlooks the barely passable bypass road leading to the Armenian border.
^Khulian, Artak; Stepanian, Ruzanna (31 March 2023). "Armenian Government Blamed For Fresh Azeri Territorial Gains". «Ազատ Եվրոպա/Ազատություն» ռադիոկայան (in Armenian). Archived from the original on 14 June 2023. Retrieved 14 June 2023. Azerbaijani troops redeployed on Thursday morning to more parts of the Lachin district adjacent to the Armenian border, blocking the old [Lachin] corridor section.
^"Azerbaijani 'eco-protest' ends after checkpoint installed on Lachin Corridor". OC Media. 28 April 2023. Archived from the original on 10 August 2023. Retrieved 28 April 2023. The Azerbaijani 'eco-activists' blocking the Lachin Corridor near Shusha (Shushi) have suspended their action following the installation of an Azerbaijani border checkpoint on the corridor. According to identical articles published across Azerbaijani state and pro-government news websites on Friday afternoon, the eco-activists said they were 'very happy with the establishment of a border control mechanism', which they reportedly said would 'ensur[e] transparency, rule of law and safety of traffic on the road'.
^Loe, Catherine (27 April 2023). "Azerbaijan sets up checkpoints on the Lachin corridor". Economist Intelligence Unit. Archived from the original on 2 August 2023. Retrieved 3 May 2023. The move [installation of a checkpoint] has increased the blockade of Nagorny Karabakh...A checkpoint on the border would give Azerbaijan the ability to stop any cars travelling between Armenia and Nagorny Karabakh.
^Gray, Sébastien (26 March 2023). "Azerbaijan Makes Advances in Artsakh, Violating Ceasefire". Atlas News. Archived from the original on 1 October 2023. Retrieved 31 March 2023. Russian peacekeepers have been notified of the latest incident, and have stated they are presently in talks with Azerbaijan to withdraw from the area, and "stop engineering work" that Azerbaijan began after taking the position.
^"Armenian separatists in Karabakh surrender and agree to ceasefire with Azerbaijan". Reuters. 20 September 2023. Archived from the original on 20 September 2023. Retrieved 20 September 2023. Under the agreement, confirmed by both sides and effective from 1 pm (0900 GMT) on Wednesday, separatist forces will disband and disarm and talks on the future of the region and the ethnic Armenians who live there will start on Thursday.
^"Treading a Tightrope on the Armenian Border: Reviewing the First Two Months of the EU's New Mission in the South Caucasus". Caucasus Watch. 25 April 2023. Archived from the original on 5 August 2023. Retrieved 19 June 2023. In an ironic twist, the unarmed European observers in Armenia and the armed Russian peacekeepers have begun to look alike, both preventing full-scale warfare but unable to fully contain Baku's ambitions. The 'Russian peacekeepers,' political scientist Nerses Kopalyan commented sharply, 'function more like an impotent observation mission than an armed contingent.'
^ abcKovatchev, Andrey. "Report on EU-Armenia relations | A9-0036/2023 | European Parliament". www.europarl.europa.eu. Archived from the original on 17 March 2023. Retrieved 18 March 2023. Whereas Russia's alleged readiness to guarantee the security of Armenia has proven to be non-existent, as demonstrated by its lack of response to Azerbaijan's continuous attacks even in the light of Armenia's attempt to resort to the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO); [The European Parliament] Recalls that the clauses of the CSTO were not activated either during the 2020 war or in September 2022, despite Armenian requests; encourages Armenia, in order to ensure better protection of its sovereignty and territorial integrity, to consider the possibility of diversifying its partnerships and potential security alliances with its regional and Euro-Atlantic partners, as its long-standing reliance on Russia and its allies in the CSTO has proved insufficient.
^Motamedi, Maziar. "Iran opens mission in strategic Armenia region as it expands ties". www.aljazeera.com. Retrieved 28 May 2023. Iranian foreign minister Hossein Amirabdollahian officially inaugurated the consulate on Friday, making Iran the first country to establish a diplomatic mission in the province that is sought by Baku and Ankara.
^Kucera, Joshua (2 September 2022). "Iran-Azerbaijan infowar heats up again". Eurasianet. Tehran has been expressing its support for Armenia's territorial integrity in other ways. Iran announced that it is opening a consulate in the southern Armenian city of Kapan and appointed a consul in August, which was a "clear signal" to Baku, analyst Salar Seifaldini told the Iranian newspaper Donya-e Eqtesadi.
^ abKucera, Joshua (14 May 2021). "Armenia and Azerbaijan in new border crisis". Eurasianet. The next day, Azerbaijan's MFA responded, saying that due to improving weather this spring, Azerbaijani border forces deployed "in the positions of our country".
^"Azerbaijani state media hints at another offensive in Karabakh". Eurasianet. New Azerbaijan, the official newspaper of the ruling party, published a similar commentary on July 4 under the subhead '[Armenian] provocations lay the groundwork for Revenge 3'...Another attack just two weeks ago was christened Revenge 2 by pro-government media because it followed an incident where an Azerbaijani soldier was wounded...
^"Violence and Politics in Armenia-Azerbaijan Relations". Baku Research Institute. 14 October 2022. Retrieved 3 July 2023. Even one of his military operations, the one that attacked Karabakh in August this year, was code-named "Revenge." Aliyev says that he does not want revanchist forces to come to power in Armenia, but if one looks at what he does, it seems that he is working very hard for just that. His discourse is not one of a victorious statesman ready to turn the page, but a vengeful leader – just look at the trophy park in Baku, or the statues of iron fists representing Azerbaijani military might put up on every occasion...
^ abGalichian, Rouben. "The invention of history." azerbaijan, Armenia and the showcasing of imagination/Rouben Galichian.-2nd, rev. and expanded ed.-London: Gomitas institute (2010). p. 31-34
^"Violence and Politics in Armenia-Azerbaijan Relations". Baku Research Institute. 14 October 2022. Retrieved 8 June 2023. The attack on September 12, 2022 also undermined the earlier Azerbaijani official line about territorial integrity and international law. Listening to Aliyev's speeches over the last decade, we can detect a slide from a legalist discourse to a discourse emphasizing a primordial struggle between two ethnic groups. At least for the last ten years Aliyev has asserted that "we will return to our ancient lands – to Yerevan, Goyche and Zangezur."
^Green, Anna (8 December 2022). "In Nagorno-Karabakh, Upholding the Notion of Territorial Integrity Means Ethnic Cleansing for Armenians". EVN Report. Retrieved 8 June 2023. The subject of territorial integrity between Armenia and Azerbaijan is moot. If anything, the Azerbaijani leadership's territorial claims on almost the entirety of Armenia's territory, including its capital Yerevan, and its periodic incursions, and the 2022 invasion and occupation of Armenian territory constitute threats to Armenia's territorial integrity –– not Azerbaijan's.
^"Worst fighting since end of Second Nagorno-Karabakh War". OC Media. 16 November 2021. Retrieved 6 June 2023. National Security Council head Armen Grigoryan has said that Armenia is formally in the process of applying for Russian assistance to 'protect the territorial integrity of the Republic of Armenia' within the framework of a 1997 bilateral agreement.
^"Armenia and Azerbaijan: Between war and peace | Think Tank | European Parliament". www.europarl.europa.eu. Retrieved 8 June 2023. In February 2022, Azerbaijan signed a 'declaration on allied interaction' with Russia, just 2 days before the full-scale invasion [of Ukraine] – including military cooperation and the possibility of 'providing each other with military assistance.'
^Mgdesyan, Arshaluis (14 September 2022). "Attacks on Armenia highlight ongoing disputes over "corridor" for Azerbaijan". Eurasianet. After the war in Ukraine, when air, land and sea communications between Russia and Europe have been suspended, Moscow is strongly interested in opening communications through Armenia in order to obtain additional routes of communication with Turkey.
^"Dreaming of Peace | On the Ground: Artsakh". Refuge Worldwide. 31 March 2023. Retrieved 19 April 2023. In the latest Freedom House Report, Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia are among the partly-free countries, and Azerbaijan is among the not free countries. How can the leading democratic countries turn a blind eye and throw us into the arms of tyranny?
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