Front cover of España ante el conflicto europeo, 1914–1915, published in 1916.
Front cover of Junto al Volcán: impresiones del frente occidental, published in 1917.
Alcalá-Galiano was a staunch defender of the Allied cause during the First World War[17][18]
—a rarity in Spanish aristocratic circles, where Germanophilia ran rampant.[19] He authored four books on the conflict, published between 1915 and 1919. Around this time, he also wrote compilations of literary studies.[20]
Apart from his inclination as a supporter of the Allies, the categorization of Alcalá-Galiano's ideologies during this period varies depending on the author. According to historian Maximiliano Fuentes Codera [es], he would have conceptualized the war at first in rigid terms as a conflict between the right and the left.[20][21] Back then, according to historian Ignacio Peiró Martín [es], Alcalá-Galiano would have been un escritor cosmopolita, monárquico y liberal. [c][9] Meanwhile, historian Javier Moreno Luzón identifies his brand of opinion journalism during the conflict as that of an uncategorizable proaliado a fuer de maurrasiano. [d][3] Alternatively, his contemporary Emilia Pardo Bazán, who reviewed several of his works, described him in 1915 as intelectual de sangre azul y conservador abolengo. [e][22] By royal decree of 23 May 1918, the nobility title of marquis of Castel Bravo del Rivero [es] was reinstated for him and his descendants.[23][f]
After the rise of Bolshevism in Russia, Alcalá-Galiano changed his geopolitical vision, replacing Mitteleuropa with Russia as the main focus of concern for Spain.[25]
Maurrassisme and anti-Semitism
As an admirer of the political doctrine of French intellectual Charles Maurras—leader the so-called "integral nationalism"—Alcalá-Galiano criticized the Vatican for having turned its back on him.[4][26][27] During the 1920s and from the pages of newspaper ABC, Alcalá-Galiano spread his anti-Semitic ideas stemming from Maurrassisme, as well as his favorable opinions on Italian fascism and viscerally anti-parliamentary positions.[28][g] He became an advocate of repression against the "red threat" in the press, and by the start of the decade he was already adhering to the conspiracy theories of the extreme right and recalcitrant anti-communism.[30] Moreover, he was an unconditional admirer of Benito Mussolini and, after the coup by Miguel Primo de Rivera in September 1923, he referred to the differences between both dictatorships, as follows:
En España al fin ha sonado la hora. No ha sido tal como hubiéramos deseado; es decir, un Mussolini español, un fascismo civil, ajeno a la política oficial, que ocupase repentinamente los ministerios, los ayuntamientos y las oficinas del Estado. Pero no había opción. España, como indiqué en estas columnas a principios del actual verano, se hallaba ante el siguiente dilema: o dictadura, o revolución. Por desgracia, a falta de dictador que anhelaba la parte sana del país, ha tenido que ser el elemento militar el encargado de dar realidad a los anhelos nacionales.[h]
In February 1934, disillusioned with the ups and downs in the evolution of the nascent fascist movement of Falange Española (FE) and unable to effectively exercise violence on the workers' movement, Alcalá-Galiano did not hesitate to refer to Spanish fascism—contrary to its European counterparts—as platónico.[k][40][41] Also, while meddling with the FE and coinciding with the burial of Falangist Matías Montero [es], he reproached it for its inaction in the face of the attacks it was being subjected to.[42][43][44] He suggested that the FE should carry out a plan of indiscriminate violence.[43] Moreover, amid the controversy, he maintained that:
Un fascismo teórico, sin la violencia como medio táctico, será lo que se quiera, pero no es fascismo. [l]
— Alcalá-Galiano (ABC, 13 February 1934)[43][44][45]
In July 1934, in reaction to Catalan nationalism and from the pages of ABC, Alcalá-Galiano would call on the creation of a patriotic league for the defense of unity in Spain.[46] Later, in 1935, he took part in the strategy to discredit the CEDA, attempting to make it seem that this party had wasted time while in power, which had allowed the left to recover and get reorganized.[47] In late 1935, he was appointed chairperson of the Spanish-English Committee, coinciding with the entry in the board of directors of Henry Chilton, the new British ambassador.[48]
On the occasion of the elections of February 1936, Alcalá-Galiano stated that Spain was facing a dilemma: revolución o contrarrevolución, Patria o Antipatria. [m] Thus, he advocated for:[49]
[L]a unión sagrada de todos los valores auténticamente nacionales frente a la formidable coalición de la Antipatria, dirigida por los agentes de la Internacional revolucionaria (…) para salvar la existencia misma de España (…) [n]
According to Alcalá-Galiano, it had all started with the Pact of San Sebastián, which had led to reparto y despojo de España entre masones, marxistas y separatistas.(…) [o] In turn, he said, this had led to four years of a Republic during which there had been:[49]
[A]tropellos, crímenes, desastres políticos, económicos y sociales... huelgas, atracos y crímenes sociales a granel [coronados por] la revolución de octubre de 1934 con sus 2.500 muertos y sus millares de víctimas, cuyos culpables siguen vivos y algunos de ellos hasta en libertad. [p]
Death
At the beginning of the Civil War, Alcalá-Galiano was arrested at his home by members of checa number 1 of Radio Comunista and taken to Vallecas with his brother [es], the count of Romilla [es]. They were both executed on 28 July 1936 after having been subjected to a summary trial, due to their fascist ideology.[5]
^In his letters, he disagreed with his cousin about the First World War, as the latter argued that Germany, at the time, represented el empuje de juvenil de la conquista y el principio de orden y autoridad en lo político. (English: The youthful drive of conquest and the principle of order and authority in the political sphere.) [13]
^English: A cosmopolitan, monarchist, and liberal writer
^English: [A] blue-blood intellectual with a conservative lineage
^In 1922, the name of the title was changed to the simpler Marquis of Castel Bravo.[24]
^Regarding fascism, the following articles—all published in ABC—are worthy of note: La "reacción" contra la anarquía (8 November 1922); El fascismo redentor (7 March 1923); De la anarquía a la resurrección (16 March 1923); El triunfo de una dictadura (21 March 1923); Dictadura y revolución (2 June 1923); Ante el golpe de estado (22 September 1923); Renovación política de España. I. Un Gobierno que gobierna (30 September 1923); Italia y España (21 November 1923); La democracia contra el fascismo (10 July 1924); El ocaso de Europa, I (6 August 1924); El ocaso de Europa, II (13 August 1924); Crisis de la civilización (28 August 1924); El comunismo y la revolución (21 November 1924).[29]
^English: In Spain, the time has finally come. It has not been as we would have wanted it to be; that is, a Spanish Mussolini, a civil fascism, far from official politics, which would suddenly occupy the ministries, the town halls, and the state offices. But there was no option. Spain, as I said in these columns at the start of this summer, was facing the following dilemma: either we have a dictatorship or a revolution. Unfortunately, in the absence of the dictator that the sane part of the country longed for, the military has had to be the one in charge of realizing the national aspirations.
^English: A theoretical fascism, without violence as a tactical means, is anything but fascism.
^English: Either revolution or counterrevolution; either patriotism or anti-patriotism
^English: [T]he sacred union of all authentically national values against the formidable coalition of anti-patriotism led by the agents of the revolutionary International (…) in order to save the very existence of Spain itself.
^English: Abuse; crime; political, economic, and social debacles… strikes, muggings, and social crime in abundance [topped with] the Revolution of October 1934 with its 2,500 deaths and its thousands of victims, the culprits of which are still alive and some of them are even free.
^ ab"Castel Bravo, (Marquesado de)". Revista de Historia y de Genealogía Española (in Spanish). Vol. 5, no. 27–28–29. Madrid. May–October 1931. ISSN0211-2280. Retrieved 28 August 2024.
^Retortillo, Agustín (5 May 1901). "Noticias de sociedad". La Correspondencia de España (in Spanish). Vol. 52, no. 15796. Madrid. p. 5. ISSN1137-1188. Retrieved 28 August 2024.
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